Suchergebnisse

In this paper, I investigate whether national political parties and leaders communicate about European governance. According to the neo-functionalist argument, I expect them to emphasize European affairs at the time of important European governance events and when they are involved in European decision-making processes. I use a unique longitudinal dataset of nearly 2 million tweets published over eleven years (2009–2019) by 67 political parties and their leaders in 10 western EU member states, to track whether European governance increase emphasis on EU affairs. I find that emphasis on European affairs increases at the time of European elections, referendum, European summits, major speeches of the European Commission president, and plenary sessions of the European Parliament. These results suggest that the exercise of supranational authority does indeed increase its visibility through the communications of political actors. Moreover, these findings have normative implications, as visibility is the first key requirement for the accountability of European governance.

In this paper, I investigate whether national political parties and leaders communicate about European governance. According to the neo-functionalist argument, I expect them to emphasize European affairs at the time of important European governance events and when they are involved in European decision-making processes. I use a unique longitudinal dataset of nearly 2 million tweets published over eleven years (2009–2019) by 67 political parties and their leaders in 10 western EU member states, to track whether European governance increase emphasis on EU affairs. I find that emphasis on European affairs increases at the time of European elections, referendum, European summits, major speeches of the European Commission president, and plenary sessions of the European Parliament. These results suggest that the exercise of supranational authority does indeed increase its visibility through the communications of political actors. Moreover, these findings have normative implications, as visibility is the first key requirement for the accountability of European governance.

The dissertation investigates the communications of national political parties about European affairs. It seeks to explain when and why parties emphasize Europe and how citizens react to these messages. Building on debates on the politicization of European integration, the relevance of functional and strategic factors is assessed to understand the extent of parties' emphasis on European affairs. The research first relies on the analysis of an original dataset of messages published on Twitter by parties and their leaders in 10 EU countries from 2009 to 2019. Then, an online survey experiment has been conducted in France and Belgium to assess how citizens react to parties' messages about Europe. The main results suggest that parties communicate about European affairs both when they are pushed by functional pressure and when they have strategic incentives. However, a comparison of the effect shows that they talk about Europe much more when they have an interest then when they should provide visibility to decision-making processes. Finally, the experiment results unexpectedly suggest that citizens do not react to parties' cues by adopting more clear-cut opinions about the EU, further research is required to understand how citizens really perceive these messages. ; (POLS - Sciences politiques et sociales) -- UCL, 2021

The dissertation investigates the communications of national political parties about European affairs. It seeks to explain when and why parties emphasize Europe and how citizens react to these messages. Building on debates on the politicization of European integration, the relevance of functional and strategic factors is assessed to understand the extent of parties' emphasis on European affairs. The research first relies on the analysis of an original dataset of messages published on Twitter by parties and their leaders in 10 EU countries from 2009 to 2019. Then, an online survey experiment has been conducted in France and Belgium to assess how citizens react to parties' messages about Europe. The main results suggest that parties communicate about European affairs both when they are pushed by functional pressure and when they have strategic incentives. However, a comparison of the effect shows that they talk about Europe much more when they have an interest then when they should provide visibility to decision-making processes. Finally, the experiment results unexpectedly suggest that citizens do not react to parties' cues by adopting more clear-cut opinions about the EU, further research is required to understand how citizens really perceive these messages. ; (POLS - Sciences politiques et sociales) -- UCL, 2021

The question of citizens' support for the single European currency is crucial. The very nature of the euro makes its legitimacy and existence dependent on its level of political and popular support. Moreover, in a context of the recent economic crisis, the issues of the legitimacy and the very future of the single currency have become particularly salient. In view of this, it is surprising to note that little work has been done to study citizens' attitudes towards the euro. The aim of this article is therefore to fill this gap. It aims to study the level of public support for the euro and its evolution over time, as well as to identify the factors that explain this support. To this end, the three classic theoretical approaches that explain citizens' support for European integration in general are considered: the utilitarianism approach, the identity approach and the prexies approach. This differentiates this work from the majority of existing studies, which consider only economic factors to explain support for the euro. Data from the May 2017 Eurobarometer survey are mobilised to test these three approaches. The results of logistic regression models underline the relevance of these three theoretical trends in explaining citizens' support for the single currency. Moreover, it is interesting to note that the support mechanisms are not entirely similar when comparing individuals in the euro area with those who do not. Finally, the longitudinal analysis confirms that the crisis has had a differentiated effect on the support of European citizens depending on whether they belong to the euro area or not. Within the EU, support for the Economic and Monetary Union and the euro remains high despite the economic and monetary crisis. ; La question du soutien des citoyens à la monnaie unique européenne est cruciale. La nature même de l'euro rend sa légitimité et son existence dépendantes du niveau de soutien politique et populaire dont il bénéficie. De plus, dans un contexte marqué par la crise économique récente, les ...

La question du soutien des citoyens à la monnaie unique européenne est cruciale. La nature même de l'euro rend sa légitimité et son existence dépendantes du niveau de soutien politique et populaire dont il bénéficie. De plus, dans un contexte marqué par la crise économique récente, les questions de la légitimité et de l'avenir même de la monnaie unique sont devenues particulièrement saillantes. Face à ce constat, il est étonnant de noter que peu de travaux se sont attelés à l'étude des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'euro. L'objectif de cet article est donc de combler ce manque. Il entend étudier le niveau de soutien des citoyens à l'euro et son évolution dans le temps, ainsi qu'identifier les facteurs permettant d'expliquer ce soutien. Pour ce faire, les trois approches théoriques classiques expliquant le soutien des citoyens à l'intégration européenne en général sont considérées : l'approche utilitariste, l'approche identitaire et l'approche des proxies. Ceci différencie ce travail de la majorité des études existantes qui considèrent uniquement les facteurs économiques pour expliquer le soutien à l'euro. Les données de l'enquête Eurobaromètre de mai 2017 sont mobilisées afin de tester ces trois approches. Les résultats des modèles de régression logistique soulignent la pertinence de ces trois courants théoriques pour expliquer le soutien des citoyens à la monnaie unique. De plus, il est intéressant de noter que les mécanismes du soutien ne sont pas totalement similaires si l'on compare les individus dans la zone euro avec ceux qui n'en font pas partie. Enfin, l'analyse longitudinale confirme que la crise a eu un effet différencié sur le soutien des citoyens européens en fonction de leur appartenance ou non à la zone euro. Au sein de celle-ci, le soutien à l'Union économique et monétaire et à l'euro reste élevé malgré la crise économique et monétaire.

La question du soutien des citoyens à la monnaie unique européenne est cruciale. La nature même de l'euro rend sa légitimité et son existence dépendantes du niveau de soutien politique et populaire dont il bénéficie. De plus, dans un contexte marqué par la crise économique récente, les questions de la légitimité et de l'avenir même de la monnaie unique sont devenues particulièrement saillantes. Face à ce constat, il est étonnant de noter que peu de travaux se sont attelés à l'étude des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'euro. L'objectif de cet article est donc de combler ce manque. Il entend étudier le niveau de soutien des citoyens à l'euro et son évolution dans le temps, ainsi qu'identifier les facteurs permettant d'expliquer ce soutien. Pour ce faire, les trois approches théoriques classiques expliquant le soutien des citoyens à l'intégration européenne en général sont considérées : l'approche utilitariste, l'approche identitaire et l'approche des proxies. Ceci différencie ce travail de la majorité des études existantes qui considèrent uniquement les facteurs économiques pour expliquer le soutien à l'euro. Les données de l'enquête Eurobaromètre de mai 2017 sont mobilisées afin de tester ces trois approches. Les résultats des modèles de régression logistique soulignent la pertinence de ces trois courants théoriques pour expliquer le soutien des citoyens à la monnaie unique. De plus, il est intéressant de noter que les mécanismes du soutien ne sont pas totalement similaires si l'on compare les individus dans la zone euro avec ceux qui n'en font pas partie. Enfin, l'analyse longitudinale confirme que la crise a eu un effet différencié sur le soutien des citoyens européens en fonction de leur appartenance ou non à la zone euro. Au sein de celle-ci, le soutien à l'Union économique et monétaire et à l'euro reste élevé malgré la crise économique et monétaire.

What are the consequences of EU politicization for the EU and European societies? This book shifts the analytical focus from EU politicization processes to their empirical and normative research on the effects of politicization on public opinion, public discourses, policymaking and European integration.