Suchergebnisse

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Terrorism Yesterday and Today: An Introduction -- 2 National 'Islamic' Terrorism: Groups in the Palestinian Territories -- 3 International 'Islamic' Terrorism: Al-Qa'ida and Related Groups -- 4 Republican and Loyalist Terrorism in Northern Ireland -- 5 'Red' Urban Terrorism: Experiences in Italy, Germany and Japan -- 6 From Left to Right: Terrorism within America from the 1960s to Today -- 7 Conclusion: Terrorism Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow -- Glossary -- Bibliography

Drawing on a number of examples, including religious, nationalist, and racialist, from territories across the world, this book creates an innovative framework within which to allow a holist account of terrorism to emerge. It is the first textbook on the subject based on sociological research.

This is the first terrorism textbook based on sociological research. It adopts an innovative framework that draws together historical and modern, local and global, and social processes for a range of individuals, groups and societies. Individual behaviour and dispositions are embedded within these broader relationships and activities, allowing a more holistic account of terrorism to emerge. In addition, the shifting forms of identification and interwoven attitudes to political violence are discussed in order to explain the emergence, continuation, and end of 'terrorist' careers. The book draws on examples from across the discursive spectrum, including religious, 'red' and 'black' racialist, nationalist, and trans-national. It also spans territories as diverse as Chechnya, Germany, Italy, Japan, Northern Ireland, Pakistan, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, South America, the UK, and the US.

Considering a range of influential terror groups from the last 40 years, this book explores relationships between people, social processes and activities that result in acts of terrorism. It examines Islamic groups alongside nationalist, 'red' and far right organizations to identify important similarities in the social contexts and experiences and demands of members.

American enthusiasm for promoting democracy has waned since the longer term consequences of the 2003 invasion of Iraq became apparent. The neo-cons misplaced confidence in the superiority of their ideals appeared to blind them to lessons from history. Indeed, they might have been more cautious about encouraging electoral transfers of power had they studied experiences following the post-colonial imposition of democracy. This paper draws out some of those lessons, arguing that examples of newly independent sub Saharan African nations highlighted the lag between the notion of universal suffrage and levels of mutual interdependence that enable stable and secure transitions of power. The lag legacy continues to cast a considerable shadow over sub Saharan African politics resulting in elections being accompanied by killings in the pursuit of power by plebiscite. Despite complicity in the roots of these political problems Western governments and international institutions continue with their 'hopeful prognosis'. Rather than confront underlying failings, blame is localised, directed at corruption and 'big men'. Such targeting fails to understand that these factors are indicative of wider problems requiring deeper rooted exploration and consideration. Hence figurational insights are applied in order to gain a broader understanding of long term social processes and activities that result in failures to entrench democracy within political arrangements. Particular attention is placed upon interweaving balances of power, competition and cooperation and we/I which are applied to a number of case studies including South Sudan, Nigeria and Kenya.

American enthusiasm for promoting democracy has waned since the longer term consequences of the 2003 invasion of Iraq became apparent. The neo-cons misplaced confidence in the superiority of their ideals appeared to blind them to lessons from history. Indeed, they might have been more cautious about encouraging electoral transfers of power had they studied experiences following the post-colonial imposition of democracy. This paper draws out some of those lessons, arguing that examples of newly independent sub Saharan African nations highlighted the lag between the notion of universal suffrage and levels of mutual interdependence that enable stable and secure transitions of power. The lag legacy continues to cast a considerable shadow over sub Saharan African politics resulting in elections being accompanied by killings in the pursuit of power by plebiscite. Despite complicity in the roots of these political problems Western governments and international institutions continue with their 'hopeful prognosis'. Rather than confront underlying failings, blame is localised, directed at corruption and 'big men'. Such targeting fails to understand that these factors are indicative of wider problems requiring deeper rooted exploration and consideration. Hence figurational insights are applied in order to gain a broader understanding of long term social processes and activities that result in failures to entrench democracy within political arrangements. Particular attention is placed upon interweaving balances of power, competition and cooperation and we/I which are applied to a number of case studies including South Sudan, Nigeria and Kenya.

American enthusiasm for promoting democracy has waned since the longer term consequences of the 2003 invasion of Iraq became apparent. The neo-cons misplaced confidence in the superiority of their ideals appeared to blind them to lessons from history. Indeed, they might have been more cautious about encouraging electoral transfers of power had they studied experiences following the post-colonial imposition of democracy. This paper draws out some of those lessons, arguing that examples of newly independent sub Saharan African nations highlighted the lag between the notion of universal suffrage and levels of mutual interdependence that enable stable and secure transitions of power. The lag legacy continues to cast a considerable shadow over sub Saharan African politics resulting in elections being accompanied by killings in the pursuit of power by plebiscite. Despite complicity in the roots of these political problems Western governments and international institutions continue with their 'hopeful prognosis'. Rather than confront underlying failings, blame is localised, directed at corruption and 'big men'. Such targeting fails to understand that these factors are indicative of wider problems requiring deeper rooted exploration and consideration. Hence figurational insights are applied in order to gain a broader understanding of long term social processes and activities that result in failures to entrench democracy within political arrangements. Particular attention is placed upon interweaving balances of power, competition and cooperation and we/I which are applied to a number of case studies including South Sudan, Nigeria and Kenya.

Approaches to residential childcare within the United Kingdom incorporate processes that are ostensibly types of civilising offensives. The offensives are determined by political and media groups in an attempt to alter the behaviour of problematic sections of the population in alignment with populist notions about what constitutes civilised norms, values and activities. These policies are part of recurring child rearing and schooling offensives that were noticeable throughout industrialisation and colonialism. Contemporary approaches intentionally, or otherwise, are part of wider processes which are resulting in emergent and reinforcing spatial, dispositional barriers between the established and young outsiders. Interconnected weakening chains of mutual interdependence are enabling the disproportionate imposition of punitive measures against vulnerable members of society to either be supported or ignored. These fraying threads of relationships present further challenges for children and young people living in care and their carers who must seek to develop life chances against a backdrop of declining opportunities.

This is the first terrorism textbook based on sociological research. It adopts an innovative framework that draws together historical and modern, local and global, and social processes for a range of individuals, groups and societies. Individual behaviour and dispositions are embedded within these broader relationships and activities, allowing a more holistic account of terrorism to emerge. In addition, the shifting forms of identification and interwoven attitudes to political violence are discussed in order to explain the emergence, continuation, and end of 'terrorist' careers. The book draws on examples from across the discursive spectrum, including religious, 'red' and 'black' racialist, nationalist, and trans-national. It also spans territories as diverse as Chechnya, Germany, Italy, Japan, Northern Ireland, Pakistan, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, South America, the UK, and the US. The file for this record represents only a sample chapter from the whole work, which is available for purchase from the publisher.

Around the world approaches by Muslim governments to introduce secularisation and create national consciousness have relied heavily upon processes of state sponsored socialisation. Across the overwhelming majority of Muslim societies, secular structures, processes and national identities are, to varying degrees, in place. Overall, however, the increased prominence of Islam generally, and militant strands in particular, and the extent to which large numbers of people most strongly associate with religion rather than nation indicates that state sponsored socialisation has only been partially successful. Islam is embedded within constructions of nationalism and in some instances religious influences are contributing to processes of radicalisation and challenges to secular governments. To help explain this apparent paradox, in this chapter the emergence of Muslim nation-states and implementation of formal socialising processes is explored, and the concept of 'unintended consequences' is applied to nation-state policies and international relations. These consequences, some of which stem from previous generations, continue to resonate today, contributing towards processes of radicalisation across Muslims societies and communities.

In this paper the impact of oil and gas companies in Nigeria is explored under the umbrella concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). At one level there is acknowledgement of greater emphasis on socially responsible policies. Nevertheless these are limited in scope and ambition and the energy sector continues to create social, environmental, cultural and political problems in the region. Focussing on the concept of CSR and lack of application should not however detract from the lack of engagement by the Nigerian government which has resulted in oil companies being held responsible for the failings of politicians. Instead the nature of the critique of the energy sector bears a striking resemblance to the demands against colonial rule. The crucial difference today though is that people are demanding greater control and regulation from the 'commercial colonialists' rather than less.

Terrorism is a subject that arouses considerable emotions. These emotions are largely associated with public reactions to attacks and particular events. Analysis of terrorism and 'terrorists', in particular, also identifies the significance of emotions such as hatred, fear, humiliation, jealousy and anger in individual involvement in attacks. However the exploration of 'terrorist' emotions tends to be partial, restricted to individuals or groups with 'hatred' and 'anger' frequently applied in isolation to explain acts of terrorism. This paper proposes to connect these emotions to the environments in which they form in order to understand the conditions in which personal feelings contribute to political violence. Comparative analysis is undertaken between a range of different groups including 'Islamic', nationalists in Northern Ireland, 'reds' in Germany and Italy and racialists in the United States. By comparing different groups it is intended to identify commonalities and distinctions in the emotional experiences that result in people becoming 'terrorists'. The paper concludes with an examination of the emotions which are instrumental in people leaving terror groups.;\\$aTerrorism; Emotions; Causes; Social movements

In this chapter, the transformation of violence in Somalia is explored alongside concomitant shifting levels of insecurity and social constraint. Key historical, regional, national and international factors behind Somalia's structural weaknesses are examined. It is argued that shifting levels of social and individual constraints and the weakening and discarding of other forms of social controls have contributed to the diminution of levels of pacification and the normalisation of violence. These factors help to explain the recent pragmatic popularity of Islamic courts and institutions that have contributed to some degrees of security and predictability. Consequently I am not challenging the perception that Somalia faces considerable challenges with violence endemic. I am, however, seeking to embed these forms of violence within longer term social and political processes. Unfortunately the identification of the deep rooted nature of many of today's problems does not provide easy solutions. On the contrary, this analysis suggests that isolated acts of aid and/or intervention will not address the causes of violence over the longer term and acknowledges that the various attempts at state-building have ultimately proved detrimental. Nevertheless, addressing the fundamental problems facing Somalia can only become a possibility, however distant, when the long standing complexities are acknowledged.