Suchergebnisse

Political security has been widely argued to be one of the fundamental pillars of development, stability and prosperity, as it in turn lays the ground and conducive environment for the attainment of other forms of human security, namely economic security, food security, health security, environmental security, personal security and community security. Political security, as stated by the United Nations Human Development Report (994), entails defense against the different forms of political oppression, respect to human rights, and protection from threats of militarization. Therefore, the purpose of this paper was to establish the extent towhich the concept of Political Security is applicable in Southern Africa within the context of a fast-globalizing landscape through analyzing historical and contemporary trends as well as forecasting future trends and patterns of political security in Southern Africa. Methodologically, the paper used secondary data sources to examine historical and contemporary trends in political security within Southern African countries whilst the International Futures (IFs) model, a comprehensive integrated modeling system, was used as a forecasting tool to establish the likelihood of political security within the different Southern African countries and future political security dynamics and complexities within Southern African countries whilst at the same timeproviding an outlook of the situation within the next 12 years. The study results show varying levels of political security in the region, with the majority of the Southern African states showing worsening political security situation by 2030, except Mauritius, Botswana, Namibia, Seychelles, and South Africa. Recommendations are suggested in the form of national and regional policy and strategic interventions that are key in strengthening political security within Southern Africa.

The secession of South Sudan from Sudan in 2011 remains a significant development on Africa's political landscape. It will continue to shape and influence the direction of secessionist conflict management and resolution dynamics on the continent. This is not because it was the first secession case in Africa given the fact that, previously, Eritrea had seceded from Ethiopia in 1993. Rather, unlike the Eritrea-Ethiopian case, the South Sudan secession case has a unique and edifying pre- and post- colonial historical narrative whose instructive value to post-colonial governments and governance processes in Africa remains remotely studied and utilized. Despite numerous research on pre-secession Sudan, there has been limited constructively aligned research that unravels the root causes of South Sudan secession, and sift lessons that can be progressively applied to either avoid and prevent secession in Africa, or constructively manage secessionist pressures in a way that retains peace, stability and national development. Using secondary data analysis, this paper explores the root causes of South Sudan secession with a view to discern and deduce adaptable and appropriate lessons that can be learnt by African governments at a time when secessionist conflicts are on the rise.

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) member states committed under Article 5(2) (d) of the SADC Treaty to develop policies aimed at the progressive elimination of the obstacles to the free movement of capital, labour, goods and services. The 2005 SADC Protocol on the Movement of People was celebrated as a giant step towards the realization of the regional integration objective of building SADC into a regional community that is fully integrated where citizens enjoy the freedom of movement across regional borders. Whilst substantial efforts have been invested in developing various legal and policy frameworks to open up borders for the free movement of people within SADC, thirty (30) years since the formation of SADC in April 1980 as the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC); the region is facing serious challenges relating to the free movement of people, migration and labour movement. In reality, SADC member states' governments have been confronted with serious feasibility challenges, complexities, risks and dilemmas as they attempt to implement commitments made towards the free movement of people in the region, with political, security, economic, strategic, and technical factors often cited as obstacles. This paper sought to critically reflect on the feasibility aspects, policy dilemmas at member state level as well as strategic considerations that stand on the way of free movement of people in SADC. The focus was on examining possibilities, capacities and prospects of SADC member states (in their collectivity and individuality) in addressing the underlying, structural and operational obstacles that are impeding the free movement of people in the region. Secondary data sources are used for analysis, and the three concepts of free movement of people, migration and regional integration provide conceptual lenses for analysis. Findings are key in providing perspectives on how SADC member states may need to collectively address the fundamental questions and issues that facilitate the free movement of people in the region.

Part I: Understanding Peace And Conflict In Africa -- Chapter 1: Peace and Security in Africa: Reflecting on the Past, Present and Future -- Chapter 2: The African Union's Peace and Security Architecture -- Part II: Causes Of Conflict In Africa -- Chapter 3: Conflict-Induced Migration and Poverty -- Chapter 4: Explaining the protractedness of communal conflicts in Nigeria: a study of Share and Tsaragi conflict -- Chapter 5: Conflict of survival between Fulani Pastoralists and Farmers in the wake of Climate Change Nigeria -- Chapter 6: Economic Autarchy as A Catalyst to Conflicts in A Plural African Society -- Chapter 7: Civil-Military Relations: A Panacea to Conflicts -- Chapter 8: The Niger Delta conflict in Nigeria: could federalism be the cause? -- Part III: Case Studies Of Conflict In Africa -- Chapter 9: Blocking the Capacity for Local Production of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW): A Road to Peacebuilding in Northeast Nigeria -- Chapter 10: Cattle, Banditry and Violent Conflict in Africa: An examination of Pastoralist Induced Conflict in Northern Uganda and Nigeria -- Chapter 11: Conflict Resolution Methods in Traditional Tswana Society Versus Methods in Contemporary Botswana: Lessons Learned and the Way Forward -- Chapter 12: Women in Post-conflict Reconstruction: A Liberian Perspective -- Chapter 13: Gendered electoral violence: The case of Hwange District, Matabeleland North Province in Zimbabwe -- Part IV: Application Of Conflict In Africa -- Chapter 14: Conflict and Displacement on the Psychosocial Wellbeing/Mental Health of Females -- Chapter 15: Gender and Conflict in Africa: Beyond Stereotypes to Analytical Reflections -- Part V: Resolving Conflicts In Africa -- Chapter 16: The quest for peace and the limits of arbitration in Abyei -- Chapter 17: Mediating peace or escalating violence? examining newAfricanmagazine:com's representation of violent conflicts in Africa -- Chapter 18: Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) Analysis of SADC's Peace and Security Architecture -- Chapter 19: A Decade of Conflict Management Processes in Libya since the Arab Spring: Taking Stock.

This book provides an examination of insurgent movements and terrorist organizations, as well as state policies that instigate intrastate conflicts in African states. It examines the tactics used by anti-government forces, states' counterterrorism responses, and the human security impacts of insecurity on citizens in Africa.