Suchergebnisse

List of tables -- Acknowledgements -- List of abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Context: the emergence of the British Labour Party -- 2. The main political influences on the development of the Labour Party's attitudes towards international affairs -- 3. Labour and the First World War -- 4. The Labour minority governments -- 5. The Labour Party, pacifism and the Spanish Civil War -- 6. Hitler, Munich and the Second World War -- 7. The Attlee governments -- 8. Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.

This is the first book in a two-volume set that looks at the foreign policy of the Labour Party throughout the 20th century, and into the early years of the new millennium. These books rectify the dearth of literature on both the political ideology and history of Labour's foreign policy. Through an in-depth political history of Labour's foreign policy in the first half of the twentieth century this first volume produces a new theorisation of the nature of the party's foreign policy. It demonstrates that from its inception, the Labour Party has been deeply involved in and interested in international affairs. The book also shows clearly that Labour has provided an important contribution to the development of foreign policy in Britain. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It deals with the foreign policy of the Labour Party during a very tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. This highly readable book provides an excellent analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time. It will be of vital use to scholars and students of British political history in the twentieth century, international relations and British foreign policy.

This is the first book in a two-volume set that looks at the foreign policy of the Labour Party throughout the 20th century, and into the early years of the new millennium. These books rectify the dearth of literature on both the political ideology and history of Labour's foreign policy. Through an in-depth political history of Labour's foreign policy in the first half of the twentieth century this first volume produces a new theorisation of the nature of the party's foreign policy. It demonstrates that from its inception, the Labour Party has been deeply involved in and interested in international affairs. The book also shows clearly that Labour has provided an important contribution to the development of foreign policy in Britain. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It deals with the foreign policy of the Labour Party during a very tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. This highly readable book provides an excellent analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time. It will be of vital use to scholars and students of British political history in the twentieth century, international relations and British foreign policy.

Drawing on neo-Gramscian theories of International Political Economy, this book explores the impact of the Marshall Plan on labour and government in Britain. Rather than the US imposing a 'politics of productivity' on an unwilling government, the centre-right of the Labour Party used the Marshall Plan to achieve its own political ends. Manipulating Hegemony shows how the government was able to marginalise the left to create a pattern of state-labour politics that was to endure until the end of the 1970s

When British Prime Minister Harold Wilson urged Lyndon Johnson not to escalate hostilities in Vietnam in 1965, he did so not because he was morally opposed to the war or thought the war was intractable but because he was concerned about the likely impact of U.S. actions on his own domestic power base. Wilson's stance of providing moral but not military support for U.S. policy in Vietnam caused anger and disillusionment among leftwing Labour Party activists and members of Parliament, spurring them to active opposition against Wilson's government. Even so, Wilson managed to prevent a major schism within his government and party over the Vietnam War. His attempts to broker a peace deal between the combatants were largely designed to placate Labour Party activists while raising Wilson's profile as a world statesman. Although the initiatives did not generate any progress toward a ceasefire, they were relatively successful on the domestic front.

When British Prime Minister Harold Wilson urged Lyndon Johnson not to escalate hostilities in Vietnam in 1965, he did so not because he was morally opposed to the war or thought the war was intractable but because he was concerned about the likely impact of U.S. actions on his own domestic power base. Wilson's stance of providing moral but not military support for U.S. policy in Vietnam caused anger & disillusionment among leftwing Labour Party activists & members of Parliament, spurring them to active opposition against Wilson's government. Even so, Wilson managed to prevent a major schism within his government & party over the Vietnam War. His attempts to broker a peace deal between the combatants were largely designed to placate Labour Party activists while raising Wilson's profile as a world statesman. Although the initiatives did not generate any progress toward a ceasefire, they were relatively successful on the domestic front. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the ways in which diplomacy is adapting in the information age, to the increased pressures and opportunities that changes in information and communication technologies and capabilities provide. The interaction of technological, economic, political and social changes, such as globalisation, the development and rapid expansion of information and communication technologies, the increasing ability of citizens and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to access and use these technologies, and the rise of transnational and co-operative security issues, are affecting the ways in which governments conduct their diplomacy. These changes are giving rise to what might be termed a 'new public diplomacy'. This can be characterised by a blurring of traditional distinctions between international and domestic information activities, between public and traditional diplomacy and between cultural diplomacy, marketing and news management. The article focuses on a comparison of Britain and Canada. It argues that, in Britain, the new public diplomacy features a repackaging of diplomacy to project a particular image to an overseas audience, which is largely treated as a passive recipient of diplomacy. However, in Canada the new public diplomacy is characterised by a more inclusive approach to diplomacy, enabling citizen groups and NGOs to play a greater role in international affairs.

This is the first book in a two-volume set that looks at the foreign policy of the Labour Party throughout the 20th century, and into the early years of the new millennium. These books rectify the dearth of literature on both the political ideology and history of Labour's foreign policy. Through an in-depth political history of Labour's foreign policy in the first half of the 20th century this first volume produces a new theorization of the nature of the party's foreign policy. It demonstrates that from its inception, the Labour Party has been deeply involved in and interested in international affairs. The book also shows clearly that Labour has provided an important contribution to the development of foreign policy in Britain.

This article examines the ways in which diplomacy is adapting in the information age, to the increased pressures & opportunities that changes in information & communication technologies & capabilities provide. The interaction of technological, economic, political, & social changes, such as globalization, the development & rapid expansion of information & communication technologies, the increasing ability of citizens & nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to access & use these technologies, & the rise of transnational & cooperative security issues, are affecting the ways that governments conduct their diplomacy. These changes are giving rise to what might be termed a 'new public diplomacy'. This can be characterized by a blurring of traditional distinctions between international & domestic information activities, between public & traditional diplomacy & between cultural diplomacy, marketing & news management. The article focuses on a comparison of GB & Canada. It argues that, in GB, the new public diplomacy features a repackaging of diplomacy to project a particular image to an overseas audience, which is largely treated as a passive recipient of diplomacy. However, in Canada the new public diplomacy is characterized by a more inclusive approach to diplomacy, enabling citizen groups & NGOs to play a greater role in international affairs. 38 References. Adapted from the source document.

The New Labour governments viewed Iran as one of their most significant foreign policy challenges. This article argues that they drew heavily on Labour traditions of international order, interests and community in framing and understanding the kinds of threat presented by Iran, as well as in seeking policy responses to meet them. Iran presented a serious challenge to the authority of international organisations and regional and global non-proliferation regimes, all of which were cherished within Labour's internationalist traditions. UK policy towards Iran remained consistent with these internationalist traditions through successive iterations, including support for international institutions, diplomatic engagement and multilateral sanctions. Yet the Blair and Brown governments also faced a mounting policy dilemma by which the application of cherished internationalist traditions failed to achieve desired results, while Iranian centrifuges continued spinning. Adapted from the source document.