Transitioning from Descriptive to Substantive Representation: a Study of the Mexican Congress
In: Acta politologica: recenzovaný časopis, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 27-50
ISSN: 1803-8220
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In: Acta politologica: recenzovaný časopis, Band 12, Heft 3, S. 27-50
ISSN: 1803-8220
In: Springer eBook Collection
Part I: New Ideas and Approaches to Study Gender Equality -- Chapter 1. Introduction: Political Representation and Gender Equality in Mexico (Fernanda Vidal-Correa) -- Chapter 2. The Politics of the Subject in the International Legal Framework that Protects Women's Political Rights (Juan Iván Martínez Ortega) -- Chapter 3. Dialogic Feminisms: A methodological approach towards guaranteeing the rights articulated in constitutional regimes (Eunice Arias Arias) -- Part II: Contesting Political Representation: Women's Substantive Representation in Mexico -- Chapter 4. A Gender Perspective or a Family Perspective: Exclusionary or inclusive frameworks (Diana Ibarra Soto) -- Chapter 5. Building a Democracy with a Gender Perspective: Mexico's judicial path towards equality (Gema N. Morales Martínez) -- Chapter 6. Perspectives on Parity in Mexican Federal Legislators, 2009-2021: Gender, ideology and party affiliation (Monica Montaño Reyes and Cristian Márquez Romo) -- Chapter 7. Women's Substantive Representation in Legal Bills: Classifying and applying them to the Mexican case (Sergio A. Bárcena Juárez, María Fernanda López Díaz de León and María José de la Peña Sánchez) -- Chapter 8. Feminist Agendas and Substantive Equality: From the politics of presence to legislative political transformation (Lorena Vazquez Correa) -- Chapter 9. Gender-based Political Violence: Regulatory demand and multilevel legislative harmonization in Mexico (Flavia Freidenberg and Karolina Gilas) -- Part III: Contesting Women ́s Substantive Representation In Mexico: Grass-roots and Advocacy Communities Perspectives. Chapter 10 The Role of the Mexico City Congress in Advancing Gender Equality (Alicia Guadalupe Luna Salazar) -- Chapter 11. Participation and Representation of Women's Demands during Indigenous Consultations: A study of the National REDD+ Strategy consultation processes in Puebla and Veracruz (Carolina Sthephania Muñoz Canto) -- Chapter 12. Regulatory limitations for guaranteeing women an education free of violence: The case of the Action and Intervention Protocol against Gender-based Violence at the Autonomous University of Querétaro (Ana Karen Rodríguez Ballesteros) -- Chapter 13. Transnational policy transfer and the gender-based violence agenda: Contributions from civil society (Adriana Ortiz Ortega and Anel Ortiz) -- Chapter 14. The Olimpia Law: The beginning of a legal framework that addresses digital violence (Laura Vidal).
World Affairs Online
In: Pólitica, Band 60, Heft 1, S. 35-55
ISSN: 0719-5338
There is no sufficient evidence regarding the relationship between descriptive and women's substantive representation in the Mexican Congress. This research asks, what characteristics do lawmakers who promote the rights and interests of women share? Critical actors theory calls for research to emphasize agents over numbers. Thus, information about the identity of sponsoring deputies was studied for the LXIII and LXIV Congresses. Results show that individual actors, mostly female legislators, promote women's representation. Some have seniority, but most have no experience as elected officials, nor as part of the Congressional leadership. This suggests that actors who have the political will to promote women's issues have the least power to do so, which, in turn, undermines the power of a critical mass.
In: Journal of multicultural discourses, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 203-219
ISSN: 1747-6615
In: Women's studies: an interdisciplinary journal, Band 49, Heft 5, S. 533-550
ISSN: 1547-7045
In: Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, Band 64, Heft 235, S. 427-462
ISSN: 2448-492X
El objetivo de este trabajo es ofrecer elementos teóricos y empíricos que permitan contribuir al debate sobre las candidaturas independientes. El argumento central es que, si bien estas candidaturas podrían ser necesarias en el marco de democratización del país, el diseño del sistema electoral continúa favoreciendo a los partidos políticos. A partir de la evaluación de los resultados del proceso electoral 2014-2015, se señala que las normativas no compensan las desventajas institucionales de las candidaturas independientes respecto de los partidos políticos. Se examinan las normativas que regulan el acceso a la boleta electoral y a fondos públicos. El estudio se basa en datos agregados, incluyendo candidaturas y datos finales de diputaciones federales y locales, gubernaturas y presidencias municipales. Se siguió un método descriptivo con recolección de datos a través de fuentes oficiales y archivos electorales.
In: Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, Band 64, Heft 235
ISSN: 2448-492X
El objetivo de este trabajo es ofrecer elementos teóricos y empíricos que permitan contribuir al debate sobre las candidaturas independientes. El argumento central es que, si bien estas candidaturas podrían ser necesarias en el marco de democratización del país, el diseño del sistema electoral continúa favoreciendo a los partidos políticos. A partir de la evaluación de los resultados del proceso electoral 2014-2015, se señala que las normativas no compensan las desventajas institucionales de las candidaturas independientes respecto de los partidos políticos. Se examinan las normativas que regulan el acceso a la boleta electoral y a fondos públicos. El estudio se basa en datos agregados, incluyendo candidaturas y datos finales de diputaciones federales y locales, gubernaturas y presidencias municipales. Se siguió un método descriptivo con recolección de datos a través de fuentes oficiales y archivos electorales.
In: Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Band 60, Heft 223, S. 317-355
In: Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, Band 60, Heft 223, S. 317-355
In: Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, Band 60, Heft 223, S. 317-355
ISSN: 0185-1918
Literature on women's political participation has questioned the meaning of representation and has been concerned with identifying what controls women access to political posts. Some explanations focus on the offer and suggest a general lack of interest and/or capacity limiting women's participation. Others analyse the effects of demand, and consider the composition of the political organizations. Based on this background, this article explores women participation inside and outside political parties and in activities that can indirectly result in political participation. The weight of women's participation in the parties' governing bodies is analysed, questioning whether their marginal participation explains their low presence in elected office. Data from twelve Mexican states, between 1998 and 2012 are used, including sources such as, the National Survey on Political Culture and Citizen Practices, the Federal Electoral Institute, and the National Survey on Discrimination. Original data on local councils and assemblies and the National Executive Committees are also included. It is concluded that men and women participation is similar and the lack of involvement is not related with gender. However, this study does establish the presence of restrictive practices against women, promoting the access of men to political cadres. Adapted from the source document.
In: Representation, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 321-335
ISSN: 1749-4001
In: Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales, Band 58, Heft 217, S. 171-195
ISSN: 2448-492X
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 38, Heft 4, S. 503-516
ISSN: 1470-9856
In this paper, the roles of public opinion polls and agency in foreign policymaking are examined. Based on documents uncovered from the National Archives and Rockefeller Archive Center, this paper presents a more comprehensive picture of the history of public opinion surveys and the shaping of US bureaucracy in their relation to foreign affairs. Further, the paper contends that policymakers are interested in public views pertaining to foreign policy issues, but that private interests (serving their own interpretations of national interest) shape public views, using new techniques as guiding tools.