Suchergebnisse

Pastaraisiais metais itin išpopuliarėjusių Europos Sąjungos (ES) politinės komunikacijos tyrimų centre atsidūrė mokslininkų pastangos atskleisti europeizacijos kontekste naujai išryškėjančius savitus sociokultūrinio konteksto nulemtus dalykus. Šiame straipsnyje, remiantis kokybinio tyrimo (atlikto 2006–2009 m.) rezultatais, analizuojami politinės komunikacijos europeizacijos procesai dviejose Baltijos šalyse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje) – naujosiose ES narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse, apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai žinoma. Tyrimas parodė, kad Baltijos šalyse metams bėgant palaipsniui pradėjo formuotis ne tik tam tikra atskira europinės komunikacijos dimensija, bet ir savita kultūra: galima stebėti, kaip ji paveikė įprastas, nusistovėjusias politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykio praktikas, paskatino institucinės komunikacijos profesionalėjimą. Kita vertus, paaiškėjo, kad persiorientuoti prie labiau formalizuotos bei profesionalios ES politinės komunikacijos kultūros tapo dideliu iššūkiu abiem pusėms – tiek Lietuvos bei Estijos žurnalistams, tiek įvairių nacionalinių institucijų komunikacijos specialistams.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: europeizacija, ES komunikacijos politika, politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykis, politinės komunikacijos kultūra, Baltijos šalys.Europeanization and changing political communicationculture in the Baltic statesAušra Vinciūnienė SummaryThis article contributes to expanding the European public sphere research on the Europeanization processes taking place in the new EU member states. It argues that a qualitative shift from the national to the European dimension was, and still is, a great challenge to both societies and political and media actors in Central Eastern Europe.The qualitative research in two Baltic countries – Lithuania and Estonia (in 2006–2009) – has shown that there are some differences in the nature and pace of national (cultural) adaptation of the European perspective in day-to-day political reporting and institutional communication practices as compared with the old member states. The national governments and local institutions show no particular interest (taking into the account a very high support of the EU membership among citizens) and have no financial resources or professional competenc to invest in-to communication on European matters.The study disclosed also the absence of institutionalized "politics–media" relationship among national parties, governments and the media. Fromthe perspective of political institutions, the mass media are an important channel for communication; however, national journalists are regarded by politicians as uncooperative, lacking skills, knowledge and interest in the EU politics. On the other hand, it became obvious that the Baltic media are primarily functioning on commercial logic: they seek to meet the audience demand for entertainment rather than invest into initiating political deliberations, the EU affairs being no exception.Finally, a significant problem is the EU communication policy itself: as the study has revealed, it does not correspond to the realities of the new EU member states where traditions of having consultations with citizens and social groups in the political decision-making process are only in the stage of formation. Still the Commission sees its mission in a more direct involvement with different groups of citizens on educating on what the EU is and how it functions, rather than having a more ambitious goal of communicating and fostering debates and deliberations.

Pastaraisiais metais itin išpopuliarėjusių Europos Sąjungos (ES) politinės komunikacijos tyrimų centre atsidūrė mokslininkų pastangos atskleisti europeizacijos kontekste naujai išryškėjančius savitus sociokultūrinio konteksto nulemtus dalykus. Šiame straipsnyje, remiantis kokybinio tyrimo (atlikto 2006–2009 m.) rezultatais, analizuojami politinės komunikacijos europeizacijos procesai dviejose Baltijos šalyse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje) – naujosiose ES narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse, apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai žinoma. Tyrimas parodė, kad Baltijos šalyse metams bėgant palaipsniui pradėjo formuotis ne tik tam tikra atskira europinės komunikacijos dimensija, bet ir savita kultūra: galima stebėti, kaip ji paveikė įprastas, nusistovėjusias politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykio praktikas, paskatino institucinės komunikacijos profesionalėjimą. Kita vertus, paaiškėjo, kad persiorientuoti prie labiau formalizuotos bei profesionalios ES politinės komunikacijos kultūros tapo dideliu iššūkiu abiem pusėms – tiek Lietuvos bei Estijos žurnalistams, tiek įvairių nacionalinių institucijų komunikacijos specialistams.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: europeizacija, ES komunikacijos politika, politikos ir žiniasklaidos santykis, politinės komunikacijos kultūra, Baltijos šalys.Europeanization and changing political communication culture in the Baltic statesAušra Vinciūnienė
SummaryThis article contributes to expanding the European public sphere research on the Europeanization processes taking place in the new EU member states. It argues that a qualitative shift from the national to the European dimension was, and still is, a great challenge to both societies and political and media actors in Central Eastern Europe.The qualitative research in two Baltic countries – Lithuania and Estonia (in 2006–2009) – has shown that there are some differences in the nature and pace of national (cultural) adaptation of the European perspective in day-to-day political reporting and institutional communication practices as compared with the old member states. The national governments and local institutions show no particular interest (taking into the account a very high support of the EU membership among citizens) and have no financial resources or professional competenc to invest in-to communication on European matters. The study disclosed also the absence of institutionalized "politics–media" relationship among national parties, governments and the media. From the perspective of political institutions, the mass media are an important channel for communication; however, national journalists are regarded by politicians as uncooperative, lacking skills, knowledge and interest in the EU politics. On the other hand, it became obvious that the Baltic media are primarily functioning on commercial logic: they seek to meet the audience demand for entertainment rather than invest into initiating political deliberations, the EU affairs being no exception.Finally, a significant problem is the EU communication policy itself: as the study has revealed, it does not correspond to the realities of the new EU member states where traditions of having consultations with citizens and social groups in the political decision-making process are only in the stage of formation. Still the Commission sees its mission in a more direct involvement with different groups of citizens on educating on what the EU is and how it functions, rather than having a more ambitious goal of communicating and fostering debates and deliberations.

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.

In the recent decades, as a result of intensive globalisation, significant changes in the political communication systems can be observed in all old and new democracies all over the world. One of the most frequently used concepts to describe this is professionalisation, meaning that in response to political, societal, economic and technological developments, political institutions and politicians themselves started to improve their campaigning or governmental communication. On the one hand, institutions and parties became more open, started to seek dialogue with citizens by employing professional press officers to deal with the media and rapidly applying new technologies for direct marketing and communication.[.]

In the recent decades, as a result of intensive globalisation, significant changes in the political communication systems can be observed in all old and new democracies all over the world. One of the most frequently used concepts to describe this is professionalisation, meaning that in response to political, societal, economic and technological developments, political institutions and politicians themselves started to improve their campaigning or governmental communication. On the one hand, institutions and parties became more open, started to seek dialogue with citizens by employing professional press officers to deal with the media and rapidly applying new technologies for direct marketing and communication.[.]

In the recent decades, as a result of intensive globalisation, significant changes in the political communication systems can be observed in all old and new democracies all over the world. One of the most frequently used concepts to describe this is professionalisation, meaning that in response to political, societal, economic and technological developments, political institutions and politicians themselves started to improve their campaigning or governmental communication. On the one hand, institutions and parties became more open, started to seek dialogue with citizens by employing professional press officers to deal with the media and rapidly applying new technologies for direct marketing and communication.[.]

This article looks into research findings of the "Adequate Information Management (AIM)" project in the new light. A principal issue investigated here concerns the political communication culture, or to put it more precisely, the interface between the Brussels correspondents and their political news sources. While focusing on differences that can be detected in the processes of the EU news gathering in Brussels, the article highlights commonalities in reporting as appearing across national communication cultures. Indeed, the communications' context in Brussels is an interesting research case: for journalists, it creates unique conditions for different journalisms and political communication cultures to meet; for scholars, it requires to address new questions in European communication research.

This article looks into research findings of the "Adequate Information Management (AIM)" project in the new light. A principal issue investigated here concerns the political communication culture, or to put it more precisely, the interface between the Brussels correspondents and their political news sources. While focusing on differences that can be detected in the processes of the EU news gathering in Brussels, the article highlights commonalities in reporting as appearing across national communication cultures. Indeed, the communications' context in Brussels is an interesting research case: for journalists, it creates unique conditions for different journalisms and political communication cultures to meet; for scholars, it requires to address new questions in European communication research. ; Straipsnyje, remiantis nauju požiūriu, analizuojami Europos Komisijos finansuoto 6 BP tarptautinio mokslinio projekto "Adekvati informacijos vadyba" (Adequate Information Management: (AIM) [2004-2007]) rezultatai. Tyrimo, kurį atliko mokslininkai iš vienuolikos Europos šalių, tikslas buvo atskleisti ES politinės komunikacijos specifiką bei europinių naujienų vadybos procesus, kurie lemia ES aktualijų – informacijos atrankos, analizės, naujienų redagavimo ir paskelbimo – pateikimą Europos žiniasklaidoje. Pagrindinis šio straipsnio analizės dalykas – Briuselio politinės komunikacijos kultūra, kitaip tariant, santykis tarp įvairų šalių korespondentų Briuselyje ir politikos veikėjų (politinės informacijos šaltinių). Analizuojant kokybinių interviu su korespondentais Briuselyje duomenis ieškoma panašumų tarp skirtingų šalių komuni­kacinių kultūrų, žurnalistinio darbo principų. Visa tai rodo, kad politinė komunikacija Briuselyje yra unikalus ir įdomus atvejis tolesniems tyrimams. Žurnalistams sukuriamos unikalios sąlygos pažinti ir dirbti skirtingų žurnalistinių ir politinės komunikacijos kultūrų kontekste. O mokslininkams – tai iššūkis, skatinantis kelti klausimus, susijusius su naujomis komunikacijos formomis.

The idea of European identity and multilingualism, especially of a European public sphere – of media-sustained imaginary spaces where all of the diversities and commonalities of multicultural Europe are expressed and celebrated – is an appealing and thought-provoking concept and one that continuously attracts the attention of scholars, policy-makers, writers, journalists, and artists from all over Europe. At the same time, in spite of their popularity, multifaceted nature, and inclusivity, many of these debates lack optimism. Discussions often lead to the conclusion that a common arena for cultural exchange and inspiring debates, maintained and preserved by the conventional mass media, simply does not exist. It does not exist as a common public sphere where differing points of view could be presented, and which would enable the emergence of a mutual discourse rich in diverse interpretations – of a space which would stimulate the imagination of Europe as an experience. Therefore, the goal of the research perspective "European Public Sphere – politics, communication, discourse" is to find commonalities and intersections among those very diverse fields of europenization studies ranging from journalism, communication studies and identity issues, to regional studies, comparative politics and international relations. At the same time, this research perspective seeks to address new questions and includes these into the comparative research agenda. It looks into changes and. [to full text]

The idea of European identity and multilingualism, especially of a European public sphere – of media-sustained imaginary spaces where all of the diversities and commonalities of multicultural Europe are expressed and celebrated – is an appealing and thought-provoking concept and one that continuously attracts the attention of scholars, policy-makers, writers, journalists, and artists from all over Europe. At the same time, in spite of their popularity, multifaceted nature, and inclusivity, many of these debates lack optimism. Discussions often lead to the conclusion that a common arena for cultural exchange and inspiring debates, maintained and preserved by the conventional mass media, simply does not exist. It does not exist as a common public sphere where differing points of view could be presented, and which would enable the emergence of a mutual discourse rich in diverse interpretations – of a space which would stimulate the imagination of Europe as an experience. Therefore, the goal of the research perspective "European Public Sphere – politics, communication, discourse" is to find commonalities and intersections among those very diverse fields of europenization studies ranging from journalism, communication studies and identity issues, to regional studies, comparative politics and international relations. At the same time, this research perspective seeks to address new questions and includes these into the comparative research agenda. It looks into changes and. [to full text]

The idea of European identity and multilingualism, especially of a European public sphere – of media-sustained imaginary spaces where all of the diversities and commonalities of multicultural Europe are expressed and celebrated – is an appealing and thought-provoking concept and one that continuously attracts the attention of scholars, policy-makers, writers, journalists, and artists from all over Europe. At the same time, in spite of their popularity, multifaceted nature, and inclusivity, many of these debates lack optimism. Discussions often lead to the conclusion that a common arena for cultural exchange and inspiring debates, maintained and preserved by the conventional mass media, simply does not exist. It does not exist as a common public sphere where differing points of view could be presented, and which would enable the emergence of a mutual discourse rich in diverse interpretations – of a space which would stimulate the imagination of Europe as an experience. Therefore, the goal of the research perspective "European Public Sphere – politics, communication, discourse" is to find commonalities and intersections among those very diverse fields of europenization studies ranging from journalism, communication studies and identity issues, to regional studies, comparative politics and international relations. At the same time, this research perspective seeks to address new questions and includes these into the comparative research agenda. It looks into changes and. [to full text]