Suchergebnisse

Signing the Agreement on the Establishment of Friendly Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929) on November 28, 1925, provided bases for mutual economic connecting. Concerning the fact that economies of both countries had dominantly agrarian character, they were often rivals to one another in the world markets. Because of that, Yugoslav government aimed at gathering data on the development and modernization of Turkish agriculture by means of its diplomatic representative bodies. In this paper, on the basis of unpublished archival sources, newspapers articles and relevant literature, the following issues will be presented: the state and characteristics of the Turkish agrarian issues during Ataturks's era: the capacity of agricultural production (agriculture, cattle breeding), measures and efforts for its improvement (introducing new kinds and breeds, land-improvement and irrigation projects, the use of modern agro-technical measures, preventing cattle infectious diseases, agrarian reforms, etc.), and the export of agrarian products.

Collectivization, as a method of the socialist transformation of village and of organizing agricultural production, was conducted after 1944, lasted until 1953, and it was intensified especially after 1948, namely after the conflict of the Yugoslav country and the party management with members of the Inform Bureau - the Soviet Union and the countries of 'national democracy', when it was abandoned despite the attempt of reorganization. Economic failures of collective farms, political damage caused by relations with farmers, as the most numerous social category, then new possibilities for help and loans from the west, predetermined this step. Aspirations of the Communist party of Yugoslavia to skip the natural way of development and substitute it by an administrative centralization of the production means turned out to be a complete failure. Collective farm 'Kopaonik' located in Rvati near Raška was one of numerous farms of that kind due to which there were intentions to introduce socialism into the village and to transform properties. Despite the efforts of the parties' forums and initial positive results, it was soon obvious that conducting this ideological concept was at variance with traditional relations of the patriarchal farmers' society. Unprofitability and destimulation of agricultural production, personal vanities and misunderstandings among members, as well as a series of other limiting factors, resulted in its reduction in 1954.

During the second half of the 20s in the last century political circumstances in Berane and its narrow gravitational area were known by constant rivalry between two civil political parties where the National Radical Party and the Yugoslav Democratic Party as well as the new Independent Democratic Party that was formed after the split of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, were the most influential ones within the Serbian national corps. Some new party lists - the Association of Peasants and the Yugoslav Muslim Organization appeared for the first time during the elections in 1925 and 1927 while they were not part of the organized elections in the first half of the 20s. Moreover, the electoral struggles were also characterized by the appearance of 'factionary' party lists of candidates that were emphasized by certain local political leaders who were guided by their own ambitions, in spite of the orientation of the party headquarters especially among 'democrats'. The common characteristics of the elections in 1925 and 1927 were that they took part in the environment which did not have the developed tradition of political organizing, and then it was considered as the undeveloped agricultural area without economic, financial subjects or cultural institutions that could influence the content of campaign and the results of elections more seriously. In the area of district political parties that were active in the country competed with each other, while the individuals, who did not live in this area nor were even born in this region, were often members of these lists and had mandates. Furthermore, there was the separation of voters and also different lists from the same party were presented several times. The followers of Muhammad had recognizable profiled candidates and lists but it can be proved that religious differences were not the obstacle for becoming a candidate in the parties as well as in their common lists. The results of the elections in 1925 left Berane and its surrounding without 'its' Member of Parliament. Although Pavle Čubrović, the representative of the 'dissident list' of the Democratic Party, won the most votes, the fact that most voters elected the radicals' lists of candidates during the elections, decreased the importance of his result. However, two years later the result of the elections was completely different - the list of candidates of the Democratic Party won all three mandates for the Member of Parliament during the elections and therefore Čubrović became the Member of Parliament for the second time.

The lack of more significant political tradition due to the fact that Berane and the area of Donji Vasojevici were liberated from the Ottoman authorities in 1912, which lasted for many centuries, as well as the fact that only three years later a two-year period of AustroHungarian occupation took place, mainly predetermined the atmosphere of political life in the first years after Yugoslav unification in 1918. The underdevelopment of the party organizations and grouping based on denominational, tribal and even on belonging to some brotherhood, were characteristic for the beginnings of political subjects in Berane district. These were party organizations whose headquarters were settled in Belgrade, Sarajevo and Skopje and whose leaders were as in the case of other districts in the province, often resorted to emphasizing their candidature in them. There were also the individuals on the local political scene, mostly teachers or the civil servants, who were representatives of the party's ideas and programme in their surrounding and therefore also the incumbent candidates of their lists. During parliamentary elections in Berane in 1920 and 1923 the main political rivalry was between members of the radical and democratic party while it was characterised by fragmentation of the party namely emphasizing 'dissident' candidate list as the consequences of political ambitions of the individuals. Regarding the results of elections in 1920 and 1923, generally speaking, it can be said that during the first half of the 20s of the last century Democratic party dominated in Berane district. Berane got 'its' Member of the Parliament - 'a democrat' Pavle Cubrovic, PhD while in 1923 it no longer had its representative in the parliament. Namely, despite Cubrovic's triumph in Berane district, since his candidate list did not get enough votes in the first round of elections, the position of the Member of the Parliament 'escaped' him.