Suchergebnisse

Preface to the 2021 edition --The limits of police reform --The police are not here to protect you --The School-to-Prison pipeline --"We called for help, and they killed my son" --Criminalizing homelessness --The failures of policing sex work --The war on drugs --Gang suppression --Border policing --Political policing --Conclusion --Afterword to the 2021 edition.

2009 Association of American University Presses Award for Jacket DesignIn the 1990s, improving the quality of life became a primary focus and a popular catchphrase of the governments of New York and many other American cities. Faced with high levels of homelessness and other disorders associated with a growing disenfranchised population, then mayor Rudolph Giuliani led New York's zero tolerance campaign against what was perceived to be an increase in disorder that directly threatened social and economic stability. In a traditionally liberal city, the focus had shifted dramatically from improving the lives of the needy to protecting the welfare of the middle and upper classes-a decidedly neoconservative move.In City of Disorder, Alex S. Vitale analyzes this drive to restore moral order which resulted in an overhaul of the way New York views such social problems as prostitution, graffiti, homelessness, and panhandling. Through several fascinating case studies of New York neighborhoods and an in-depth look at the dynamics of the NYPD and of the city's administration itself, Vitale explains why Republicans have won the last four New York mayoral elections and what the long-term impact Giuliani's zero tolerance method has been on a city historically known for its liberalism

With the increase in large contentious demonstrations in the last decade has come a variety of new efforts to explain the tactics used by police. Based on an analysis of how the New York Police Department (NYPD) handled six demonstrations at the 2004 Republican National Convention (RNC), this article argues that the more repressive Miami model of policing has not become the universal norm in policing large protests. Each of the six protests was dealt with in a unique way, though a general pattern emerged in which the police used either the "soft hat" command and control model or the "hard hat" Miami model. This suggests that local police forces make decisions about how to police demonstrations independent of influence by federal officials or national trends. It also emphasizes the importance of local political context in investigating the motivations of police action at protests. Adapted from the source document.

While most studies of the repression-mobilization relationship have focused on the impact of the former on the latter, recent work has shown that characteristics of protest can influence state repression strategies. This article corroborates recent work on the repression of social movements and shows that both weak and threatening attributes of protest events contribute to the "repressive coverage"-the likelihood of repression-of social movements in an authoritarian context. In addition, results from logistic regressions show that authoritarian states not only respond to weak-status actors and situational threats but also act strategically to repress social movements that challenge their political legitimacy. This article extends the scope of the repression-mobilization literature by differentiating factors affecting the repressive strategy of a non-Western authoritarian state. Adapted from the source document.