Suchergebnisse

I -- 1. Zum Status quo der Emotionspsychologie -- 2. Emotionen als Konstrukte alltagspsychologischer Theorien -- 3. Problematische Annahmen und Methodologien psychologischer Emotionsforschung -- 4. Metatheoretische Positionen zur Emotionspsychologie -- II -- 1. Die Grundlagen einer nomologischen Emotionspsychologie -- 2. Mentale Zustände: Positionen zum Geist-Körper-Problem -- 3. Die Struktur einer nomologischen Emotionspsychologie -- 4. Theoriebildung und empirische Forschung -- 5. Bilanz und Ausblick -- 6. Epilog.

This cumulative dissertation addresses two interlinked sets of questions: First, how much autonomy does a constituent unit have, how has it changed over time and for what reasons? Second, which patterns characterise constituent units' policies, how do they change over time and for what reasons? These sets of questions are naturally linked in that constituent units first need to have certain legislative, administrative and fiscal rights which they then use to pass, implement and finance particular policies. The empirical case studied in this dissertation is the German federation and its Länder. However, the conceptual and theoretical framework were designed to apply to other federations as well. Regarding the first set of research questions, the dissertation measures dynamic de/centralisation in Germany since 1949 and seeks to explain the patterns observed with a funnel of causality model. Based on a novel data set, it shows stability in numerous policy fields as well as an overall marked centralisation over time, especially in the fiscal and administrative spheres. De/centralisation in Germany is then compared to five other federations. Turning to the second set of research questions, the dissertation examines the extent and form of policy diversity among the Länder, based on a novel data set on Land legislation. The analysis shows that there has been substantial policy diversity across Länder in most policy areas. After this descriptive analysis, a literature review evaluates the research designs and findings of the entire population of 85 comparative Land policy analyses. It shows that the partisan composition of government is clearly the strongest predictor. Since institutions and public opinion are rarely rejected, they should be included more frequently in future policy analyses. These results inform the following two causal-analytical policy analyses. In the first one, the overall economic and societal policy orientation of the Länder is investigated. Results show that the partisan composition of ...

As part of the project Why Centralization and Decentralization in Federations?, this article measures dynamic de/centralization in Germany since 1949 and seeks to explain the patterns observed. It shows stability in numerous policy fields as well as an overall marked centralization over time, especially in the fiscal and administrative spheres. The principal instrument of dynamic de/centralization has been the enactment of legislation in fields of shared responsibility, with constitutional change also being important. In the 1950s and 1960s, an incremental centralization occurred as political and administrative elites strongly favored uniform living conditions. In a context of Keynesian interventionism and a broad consensus about social planning, the Great Fiscal Reform of 1969 amplified this centralizing trend. The East-West unification of 1989-1990 increased the economic and fiscal heterogeneity of the Lander and challenged the cultural norm of uniformity. The resulting federalism reforms of 2006 and 2009 blended decentralizing and centralizing measures.

This article examines the extent and form of policy diversity among the German Lander, based on anew comprehensive data set that fully captures legislation in fifteen new Land competences transferred by the Federalism ReformI (2006). We thereby add to acentral debate in German federalism research: the positioning of the German federation between uniformity and diversity. Our methodological-conceptual contribution is to differentiate policy diversity into various aspects, to develop new indicators for measuring policy diversity, and to systematically examine it across policies, Lander, and over time. The analysis shows that there has been substantial policy diversity across Lander in most policy areas. The Lander create policy diversity to varying degrees, with Bavaria particularly bringing forth diversity.

Der Vertrag von Lissabon schafft ein neuartiges direktdemokratisches Instrument in Form der Europäischen Bürgerinitiative (EBI). Damit kann die Europäische Kommission aufgefordert werden, einen Rechtsakt zu einem Thema vorzuschlagen, zu dem es nach Ansicht der Initiatoren einer Maßnahme bedarf, um die Ziele des EU-Vertrages umzusetzen. Notwendig sind hierzu die Unterschriften von einer Million wahlberechtigten Unionsbürgern aus einer "erheblichen Anzahl" von Mitgliedstaaten. Europäische Bürgerinitiativen können formal wie inhaltlich in Konflikt mit vergleichbar gelagerten, bereits bestehenden, partizipatorischen Vertragsangeboten geraten. Daher untersucht die Studie insbesondere die Konfliktkonstellationen zum Petitionsrecht beim Europäischen Parlament, zur Beschwerde bei dem bzw. der Europäischen Bürgerbeauftragten sowie zu den Aufforderungsrechten des Europäischen Parlaments und des Ministerrates. Um die EBI in der Praxis anzuwenden, müssen das Europäische Parlament und der Ministerrat nun in einer Umsetzungsverordnung zahlreiche Details regeln. Dafür gibt die Studie auf Basis der Erfahrungen mit anderen Initiativrechten in den Mitgliedstaaten Empfehlungen, die sich an den drei Phasen einer EBI orientieren: (I) Anmeldung, (II) Unterschriftensammlung und -verifizierung sowie (III) Positionierung der Kommission

The number of policy analyses at the Land level has been rapidly increasing, yet we lack a comprehensive and systematic review of this literature. To close this gap, we have collected the entire population of eighty-five analyses of policy output from the last four decades and evaluated their research designs and findings. This evaluation reveals a gap in cultural and law enforcement policies as well as in comparative analyses across several policy fields. Methodologically, there is a need for policy content to be captured in a way that facilitates statistical analysis over time. We then examine to which extent established theories of policy-making predict variance in policy output. The partisan composition of government is clearly the strongest predictor. Since institutions and public opinion are rarely rejected, they should be included more frequently in future policy analyses. Our findings are of interest for both federalism research and policy analysis in general.

'Der Vertrag von Lissabon schafft ein neuartiges direktdemokratisches Instrument in Form der Europäischen Bürgerinitiative (EBI). Damit kann die Europäische Kommission aufgefordert werden, einen Rechtsakt zu einem Thema vorzuschlagen, zu dem es nach Ansicht der Initiatoren einer Maßnahme bedarf, um die Ziele des EU-Vertrages umzusetzen. Notwendig sind hierzu die Unterschriften von einer Million wahlberechtigten Unionsbürgern aus einer 'erheblichen Anzahl' von Mitgliedstaaten. Europäische Bürgerinitiativen können formal wie inhaltlich in Konflikt mit vergleichbar gelagerten, bereits bestehenden, partizipatorischen Vertragsangeboten geraten. Daher untersucht die Studie insbesondere die Konfliktkonstellationen zum Petitionsrecht beim Europäischen Parlament, zur Beschwerde bei dem bzw. der Europäischen Bürgerbeauftragten sowie zu den Aufforderungsrechten des Europäischen Parlaments und des Ministerrates. Um die EBI in der Praxis anzuwenden, müssen das Europäische Parlament und der Ministerrat nun in einer Umsetzungsverordnung zahlreiche Details regeln. Dafür gibt die Studie auf Basis der Erfahrungen mit anderen Initiativrechten in den Mitgliedstaaten Empfehlungen, die sich an den drei Phasen einer EBI orientieren: (I) Anmeldung, (II) Unterschriftensammlung und -verifizierung sowie (III) Positionierung der Kommission.' (Autorenreferat)