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"Colonialism, that Loomba calls 'the most complex and traumatic relationship in human history' (2005, 8), has left its mark on international relations, social relationships within nations, and the ideologies and imaginaries of virtually all the peoples of the world. Understanding colonialism and its consequences is therefore essential to comprehending the dynamics and conflicts of the contemporary world. This special focus was born out of a desire to bring social psychological studies on colonialism to broader attention." (author's abstract)

Colonialism, that Loomba calls "the most complex and traumatic relationship in human history" (2005, 8), has left its mark on international relations, social relationships within nations, and the ideologies and imaginaries of virtually all the peoples of the world. Understanding colonialism and its consequences is therefore essential to comprehending the dynamics and conflicts of the contemporary world. This special focus was born out of a desire to bring social psychological studies on colonialism to broader attention. Adapted from the source document.

English Starting from the observation that women still represent a minority in the higher echelons of universities and scientific institutions, the article discusses a number of strategies used to 'keep them out'. Historically the main strategy was to refuse to admit women. This refusal was accompanied by discourses devaluing women's intellectual capacities, while stressing their domestic and motherly duties, and by the actual burdening of women with these duties. When women succeeded in entering universities, subsequent strategies have been the appropriation by men of women's scientific production, sexual harassment (going as far as physical elimination) and anti-feminist intellectual harassment. Notwithstanding this strong opposition, during the last 30 years scientific production by women and feminists has been extensive, of high quality and innovative. This knowledge has advanced our understanding of important scientific and social problems, benefited both men and women, and contributed in some cases to a limitation of traditional male privileges. French Partant du constat que les femmes sont encore minoritaires dans les positions de pouvoir à l'Université et dans les institutions scientifiques, cet article présente certaines des stratégies utilisées pour garder les femmes à l'écart. Traditionnellement, la principale stratégie a été de leur refuser l'accès à l'Université. Ce refus a été accompagné de discours dévaluant leur capacités intellectuelles et mettant en avant leurs devoirs domestiques et maternels, et de leur maintien dans des conditions sociales oË elles étaient effectivement restreintes par ces devoirs. Dès lors que les femmes ont réussi à accéder à l'Université, d'autres stratégies ont été utilisées, telles que l'appropriation de leur production scientifique par les hommes, le harcèlement sexuel (poussé jusqu'à l'élimination physique) et le harcèlement intellectuel anti-féministe. Malgré cette opposition tenace, dans les 30 dernières années la production scientifique des femmes et des féministes s'est révélée large, brillante et innovatrice. Cette connaissance a permis d'avancer dans la compréhension de questions importantes sur les plans scientifique et social, a profité aux hommes et aux femmes, et a contribué à limiter certains privilèges masculins traditionnels.

In this moment of increasing social inequalities after the Great Recession, studying the psychological processes that contribute to maintaining such inequalities is an urgent task for scholars. These processes include specific social‐class‐member perceptions that function to make these disparities seemingly fair. In particular, stereotypes and dehumanizing images of low‐status workers have become powerful means for perpetuating social disparities across history and cultures. In the present work, we aim to reveal the invariance of these images and their importance in maintaining the social hierarchies through an integrated approach that combines a historical perspective with an illustrative review of the empirical research. Further, we aim to show how the stigma of low‐status work affects the workers' self‐view and may lead them to accept the status quo. We conclude by discussing the implications of this work for enriching the understanding of social‐class divides and suggesting avenues for future research.

Poiché le donne sono fortemente sottorappresentate nella politica italiana, si propone di introdurre un "antitrust della politica". Questa scarsa rappresentanza è incostituzionale e distorce al maschile l'agenda politica. Sosteniamo che la scarsa presenza delle donne non può essere attribuita a una mancanza di competenza o motivazione ma è una conseguenza del metodo di cooptazione. Analizziamo le differenti strategie che sono state usate con successo in altri paesi per ottenere l'equilibrio di genere in politica, sia per via legislativa sia sulla base di quote introdotte volontariamente dai partiti. Nel nostro Paese, tenendo conto dell'attuale debole rappresentanza di donne in parlamento, appare più percorribile la seconda strada rispetto alla prima. Affermiamo infine che la più promettente strategia per il sistema italiano è lo "zip" per il quale, in ogni lista elettorale, donne e uomini sono presenti in modo alternato.

During intractable conflicts, "competitive victimhood" refers to the subjective belief that one's own ingroup has suffered more than the outgroup. Although competitive victimhood is considered an important inhibitor of reconciliation processes, no research has attempted to examine ways of reducing it. The present study aims to fill this gap. Kosovar Albanians students (N = 170) were asked to report their perception of ingroup and outgroup victimhood during the protracted violence between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Our findings revealed that frequent and high‐quality extended contact with outgroup members and identification with a common ingroup reduced competitive victimhood. The effects of extended contact and common ingroup identification were fully mediated by increased perspective taking and trust toward the outgroup, and by decreased outgroup infrahumanization. The implications of these results for restoring fractured intergroup relations are discussed.

Economic inequality qualifies as a structural characteristic leading to political action, albeit this relationship manifests differently across socioeconomic classes. COVID-19 pandemic has amplified existing economic inequalities in ways that increased social tensions and political unrest around the world. This research investigates the effect of COVID-19 personal impacts on the relationship between perceived economic inequality and individuals' political participation. An online survey was administered to an Italian representative sample of 1,446 people (51% women, mean age of 42.42 years, SD = 12.87). The questionnaire assessed the perceived economic inequality, the personal impacts of COVID-19 (i.e., on finance, mental health, and ability to procure resources), and individuals' involvement in political participation. Moderation analyses were conducted separately for different socioeconomic classes (i.e., lower, middle, and upper classes). Results showed that individuals who perceive greater economic inequality, while controlling for perceived wage gap, are more likely to take action, but only if they belong to the higher class. For lower-class individuals, perceiving greater inequality erodes political action. Interaction effects occurred mainly in the middle class and with COVID-19 impacts on resources procurement, which inhibits political action.