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Machine generated contents note: Part I. Civil Society Organizations and their Pathways to Transnationality: 1. Introduction; 2. Multiple pathways to transnationality; Part II. The Politicization of Trade: 3. The contentious nature of trade debates; 4. New regionalism in the Americas; Part III. The Dynamics of Networks: 5. Trade protest networks; 6. The origins and dynamics of trade challengers' networks; Part IV. Organizational Pathways to Transnationality: 7. The creation and demise of transnational coalitions; 8. Diffusion and differentiation of national coalitions; Part V. The Search for Ideational Pathways: 9. Alternatives for the Americas; 10. Transnational collective action in dynamic political contexts; 11. Conclusions: agency, networks, and collective action; Appendix A: lists of interviews; Appendix B: social network questionnaire (United States)

Abstract
During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria's long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc's campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the "subaltern" internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the "spirit of Bandung," whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the "spirit of Bandung" came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.

"Transnational Social Movements in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

This article analyzes the impacts of the process of appropriation of social media on social movement organizations and leaders. It focuses on the case of the Chilean student movement and the cycle of protests that began in 2011. The analysis is based on a multimethods approach, bringing together content analysis of qualitative interviews and focus groups, and three years of network data on Twitter users. It shows that the appropriation of Twitter not only reproduced but actually reinforced preexisting asymmetries among actors. However, during the period studied, organizations put in motion control strategies to try to overcome these asymmetries and to use them to their advantage. Paradoxically, some of these led to greater asymmetries instead of greater equalization. Social movement theories on organizational forms and internal democracy demonstrate the continuous relevance of the "paradoxes of participation," as social movements include new digital technologies in their traditional repertoires.

This article contributes to the literature on social movements and on transnational collective action by analyzing the roles of brokers in processes of coalition building. Brokerage is defined as bridging initiatives that link actors that are separated by geographical distance, lack of trust, lack of resources, or because they are unaware of each others' existence. This study is based on network data and qualitative research about networks of challengers of trade agreements in the Americas in the past two decades. Findings suggest there are different types of mediating roles and tasks that specific actors are expected to play in enduring coalitions. The experiences of Mexican and Brazilian brokers show that the roles of translators and coordinators are more easily accomplished and sustained through time than the roles of articulators and representatives. Paradoxically, it is when mediating skills are most needed that they seem to be hardest to accomplish.

AbstractIn the mid-1990s, for the first time in the history of the Americas, truly hemispherewide collaboration among labor organizations became possible. Yet this new political opportunity structure has not brought actors together in an undisputed new labor internationalism. This article focuses on two key sources of contention among labor organizations in the context of free trade mobilizations between 1990 and 2004: the discussions about coalition building with other civil society actors and the debates about including a social clause in trade agreements. It argues that transnational collective action occurs parallel to the continued relevance of national-level claims and targets, and that this simultaneity represents a real source of challenges, for scholars and labor organizations alike. Based on social network data and qualitative interviews in Brazil, Mexico, Chile, and the United States, the article analyzes the actions taken by labor organizations, and how these changed through time.