Institutions are hot! The international development community has adopted this buzzword in its discourses and policies. There is ample literature pointing to the importance of institutions for economic development, and this paper is not to deny this irrefutable fact. In fact, this paper provides evidence that institutions impact economic performance through human capital, rather than directly. However, it questions the relevance of the empirical literature for policymakers, and tries to take the next step by asking which institutions are important to income and/or growth, by categorizing them into economic, political, legal and social institutions. The analysis teaches us that it is difficult to answer this question, but not because research would not be able to do so technically. Rather, the measures for institutions that are currently available are ambiguous outcome measures that all capture similar information and hardly contain any policy information. Disaggregating indices and using straightforward measures of institutional quality, which actually capture a norm instead of an outcome, can provide a small step towards more practical policy advice.
When the Caja Costarricense de Seguro Social (CCSS), the flagship institution of Costa Rica's 'exceptional' -solidary and universal- social policy regime, entered in financial crisis in 2011, the already difficult social integration of Nicaraguan immigrants in Costa Rica became even more critical. Faced with a general deterioration of social services, a perception that immigrants are threatening the availability of jobs and social services for the national population, and voices that advocate the creation of limits to social rights and access to social benefits, this essay analyzes the political reaction of the State, specifically whether it chooses to limit immigrants' access to healthcare. In a discussion on state sovereignty, universalism and social rights, this article argues that immigration control responsibilities are transferred to social policy institutions, "shifting in" migration control and that the principle of universalism of Costa Rica's social policy regime does not necessarily apply to parts of the immigrant population, both irregular and regular. ; UCR::Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
Institutions are hot! The international development community has adopted this buzzword in its discourses and policies. There is ample literature pointing to the importance of institutions for economic development, and this paper is not to deny this irrefutable fact. In fact, this paper provides evidence that institutions impact economic performance through human capital, rather than directly. However, it questions the relevance of the empirical literature for policymakers, and tries to take the next step by asking which institutions are important to income and/or growth, by categorizing them into economic, political, legal and social institutions. The analysis teaches us that it is difficult to answer this question, but not because research would not be able to do so technically. Rather, the measures for institutions that are currently available are ambiguous outcome measures that all capture similar information and hardly contain any policy information. Disaggregating indices and using straightforward measures of institutional quality, which actually capture a norm instead of an outcome, can provide a small step towards more practical policy advice. ; UCR::Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
Before trying to understand the profits countries may reap from preferential trade agreements with the EU, it is straightforward that the common agricultural policy as a whole is treated. In the following, the common agricultural policy is discussed as are its presence and the tools of which it makes use to protect the EU internal market from external influences. First of all, the reasons for the CAP's existence are discussed. What principles does it adhere to and what does it try to achieve? Then the instruments that it has at its disposal are treated one at a time. Finally, the aspect of welfare and distribution is given appropriate attention as is the last item in this chapter, the phenomenon of dumping. The three principles of the CAP, Community preference, solidarity amongst Member States and the principles of a single market, all show the protectionist nature of the policy. The severe criticism the CAP has had to endure might lead one to question why a protectionist agricultural policy should be in place. As it turns out, the insurance of a fair standard of living is the most important reason. The four other objectives are clearly inferior and even contradictory. The instruments the CAP used work with variable levies, import levies when the world price is lower than the EU internal price and export levies when the EU internal price is lower than the world price. In practice, import levies were the most important instrument, whereas now almost all agricultural sectors are protected by tariffs. The Variable Levies System, or VLS, was the most important instrument as it covers over 90 per cent of EU agricultural output. The VLS was often combined with intra-EU price support, through which EU farmers received a specified price for a certain quantity. With the URAA, there was a tariffication of all nontariff barriers and in most sectors the VLS disappeared, but the level of protectionism does not seem to have altered all that much. Besides these two instruments, the CAP makes use of supply quotas, deficiency payment schemes and direct income payments. The chapter makes clear that, in terms of welfare, farmers gain and consumers lose from the policy. However, even amongst farmers the distribution of welfare is highly unequal. Finally, the economics of dumping are explained. The two necessary conditions of a segmented market and imperfect competition are met in most agricultural sectors. The CAP distorts market structure and the high level of protectionism enables the EU to dump its products on the world market. ; UCR::Vicerrectoría de Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
When the Caja Costarricense de Seguro Social (CCSS), the flagship institution of Costa Rica's 'exceptional' -solidary and universal- social policy regime, entered in financial crisis in 2011, the already difficult social integration of Nicaraguan immigrants in Costa Rica became even more critical. Faced with a general deterioration of social services, a perception that immigrants are threatening the availability of jobs and social services for the national population, and voices that advocate the creation of limits to social rights and access to social benefits, this essay analyzes the political reaction of the State, specifically whether it chooses to limit immigrants' access to healthcare. In a discussion on state sovereignty, universalism and social rights, this article argues that immigration control responsibilities are transferred to social policy institutions, "shifting in" migration control and that the principle of universalism of Costa Rica's social policy regime does not necessarily apply to parts of the immigrant population, both irregular and regular. ; UCR::Vicerrectoría de Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
With its strong public healthcare system and social security regime, Costa Rica was better prepared to face the Covid-19 pandemic than most countries in the Global South. However, the pandemic hit at a time when its social policy regime had already been weakened by three decades of neoliberal inspired policies. Since the first Covid-19 case was identified in March 2020, the country implemented a series of legislative and institutional measures in different social policy areas that sought to build on the country's institutional heritage to provide social protection to its population. In this report, we analyze whether these measures represented more focalized temporary "band-aid" measures or were inspired by the historic commitment to universal social policy. For this, we first describe the social policy measures taken during the Covid-19 crisis. Then we focus on three key policy areas – health, pensions, social assistance, to analyze whether these measures positively or negatively affect universalism in Costa Rica, understood as a multidimensional concept. We find that Costa Rica's initial quick, and later unsure measures took two paths: A first set of measures in explicit response to Covid-19, and a second set was aimed at guaranteeing the continuity of the country's universal social security system. ; 6
La incorporación social y económica de las poblaciones migrantes es posiblemente uno de los mayores desafíos que enfrentan los Estados modernos. La controversia de esta incorporación se vuelve especialmente tangible en los mercados laborales y, de interés para este capítulo, en las políticas de bienestar. No es coincidencia que en elecciones recientes, en países como Estados Unidos (Trump), el Reino Unido (Brexit), España (Rajoy), Francia (Le Pen), los Países Bajos (Wilders y Baudet) y Alemania (Gauland), la creciente popularidad de los partidos populistas de derecha y los sentimientos antinmigrantes se basen en gran medida en el debate sobre los derechos sociales de las personas migrantes y su acceso a los servicios sociales. De manera similar, en los países latinoamericanos que reciben más migrantes, la migración se ha convertido en un tema cada vez más politizado. Por ejemplo, durante el período previo a las elecciones de Costa Rica en 2018, la elección de Donald Trump en los EE.UU. fue como "música para los oídos" para las campañas políticas de la derecha (Gatica, 2017, p. 72). ; UCR::Vicerrectoría de Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
Como en otras partes del mundo, en Costa Rica existe una tensión sobre la incorporación de migrantes en los servicios de salud públicos, que alimenta la sospecha de que existe un acceso diferenciado a los servicios de salud entre nacionales y migrantes. En este artículo, con base en datos primarios de una encuesta representativa para la población migrante nicaragüense, se analiza el acceso real a los servicios de salud pública de migrantes, y la importancia de la nacionalidad, el estado migratorio y el tener un seguro médico para dicho acceso. Los hallazgos sugieren que el acceso a los servicios de salud pública entre nacionales y migrantes es estratificada, lo cual subraya de manera más general la importancia de analizar la praxis, y no solo los derechos sociales formales.
Does social policy help improve income distribution at all in Latin America? Th is question is crucial in the most unequal region of the world, as discussed in the introduction of this book. Th is chapter establishes the nature and magnitude of redistribution across welfare regimes in Latin America and discusses the role of distributional co ali tions, that is, of actors actively engaged in increasing the role of a public and collective allocation of resources. For the purposes of this chapter, we defi ne social policy as the constellation of key policies involved in social ser vices and transfers, primarily related to education, health care, and transfers such as social insurance and social assistance. Th e power- resource approach contends that to counterbalance elites and their powerful resources, progressive parties should create distributional coali tions with an extensive array of actors. Large, broad societal co ali tions are more likely to emerge under the presence of universal rather than targeted social policy because they create incentives to get the middle class involved (Korpi and Palme 1998). In addition, Esping- Andersen (1990) shows for Eu rope an and North American countries that such co ali tions diff er considerably across welfare regimes: redistribution refl ects class alliances, leading to the central role of left - wing, social Christian, and liberal parties in social democracies, conservative welfare regimes, and liberal welfare regimes, respectively. ; UCR::Vicerrectoría de Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
Does social policy help improve income distribution at all in Latin America? Th is question is crucial in the most unequal region of the world, as discussed in the introduction of this book. Th is chapter establishes the nature and magnitude of redistribution across welfare regimes in Latin America and discusses the role of distributional co ali tions, that is, of actors actively engaged in increasing the role of a public and collective allocation of resources. For the purposes of this chapter, we defi ne social policy as the constellation of key policies involved in social ser vices and transfers, primarily related to education, health care, and transfers such as social insurance and social assistance. Th e power- resource approach contends that to counterbalance elites and their powerful resources, progressive parties should create distributional coali tions with an extensive array of actors. Large, broad societal co ali tions are more likely to emerge under the presence of universal rather than targeted social policy because they create incentives to get the middle class involved (Korpi and Palme 1998). In addition, Esping- Andersen (1990) shows for Eu rope an and North American countries that such co ali tions diff er considerably across welfare regimes: redistribution refl ects class alliances, leading to the central role of left - wing, social Christian, and liberal parties in social democracies, conservative welfare regimes, and liberal welfare regimes, respectively. ; UCR::Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales (IIS)
