Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the work is to identify the main trends in the rotation of the governor's corps in the regions of the Siberian Federal District. The research objectives include: 1) to analyze the dynamics of the professional structure of the heads of subjects of the SFD; 2) to identify the degree of their belonging to the region before the election (appointment); 3) to study the features of the age characteristics of previous governors, to determine the length of their stay in power. The structure of the study corresponds to the specified tasks. The author comes to the conclusion that the process of rotation of the governor's corps on the example of the subjects of the SFD demonstrates a number of trends: increased recruitment of executive authorities to the positions of senior officials of the regions, a decrease in the representation of public policy entities engaged in parliamentary activities, a noticeable increase in the representation of the governors-"outsiders".

Relevance. The development of corporate social responsibility in Russia is largely hindered due to the lack of pronounced market and financial advantages of companies implementing social and environmental projects and programs. The identification of a stable relationship between the social responsibility of companies and the financial performance of their activities is limited not only by the complexity of measurement and differences in the tools for assessing corporate social responsibility. The composition of the companies under study is of great im-portance, as well as the great variability of their influence on the internal and external environment, depending on the scale and type of economic activity. The purpose is to develop an empirical typology of large Russian companies based on the assessment of the dynamics of financial performance and orientation of corporate social responsibility to the internal or external environment. Objectives: to justify the choice and analyze the indicators characterizing the financial and economic performance of large Russian companies and their social responsibility in the context of orientation to the internal and external environment; to compare the dynamics of the financial and economic indicators of companies and their orientation to the internal and external sphere of corporate social responsibility; to identify ordered groups of companies and describe their characteristics, allowing to identify the type of company. Methodology. The research uses general scientific methods and techniques: analysis, synthesis, analogy, generalization, comparison, and methods of economic science: graphic, statistical. The empirical basis of the study was the annual and non-financial reports of large Russian companies in the oil and gas, energy, mining and metallurgical and telecommunications sectors for the period 2015-2018. Results. As a result of comparison of financial indicators and orientation of corporate social responsibility to the internal or external environment, groups of companies similar in a number of features are analyzed. Four types of large Russian business companies have been identified, characterized by the predominance of external, internal or balanced orientation of corporate social responsibility with a high or moderate growth rate of financial performance. Conclusions. The existence of a stable relationship between financial performance and corporate social responsibility remains a debatable issue. The analysis and comparison of a number of indicators of the financial, economic and socio-environmental spheres showed that fast-growing companies are more oriented to the external environment, whereas moderately growing companies are characterized by the internal orientation of social programs and projects or the equivalence of the internal and external environment. A significant factor in orientation to the internal and external environment is the company's belonging to a certain sector.

Parliamentary elections were held in Poland on the 15th of October, 2023 and they changed the balance of political forces. The ruling party «Law and Justice» (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość – PiS) did not receive the necessary number of votes to form a government. The power is being transferred to the left-liberal coalition, consisting of the «Civic Coalition», the «Third Way» and the «New Left». In the article, the author made an attempt to investigate the factors that influenced the creation of a new balance of power in the Sejm. For this purpose, the course of the election campaign was studied and party documents, speeches by Polish politicians and experts were analyzed. The author concludes that the main problem for the PiS was not so much its weak result in the elections, as the lack of opportunities to create a government coalition with any of the forces represented in the Sejm. At the same time, the opposition parties were able to mobilize their supporters and rally to remove PiS from power. Their main claims to PiS are related to violations of democracy and the rule of law, and the deterioration of Poland's relations with the European Union. These claims were heard by the majority of voters against the background of the weakening of the position of the PiS due to economic difficulties. The power passes to the coalition, although coalitions further work is likely to be accompanied by disagreements between its constituent parties

Introduction. The author analyzes the informa- tional discourse of the World Cup in Qatar through the prism of collective historical memory. It is assumed that the Qatari Championship turned out to be both a sporting and political event. The article highlights the main problems that formed the information agenda, as well as the vectors and trajectories of the interpretation and perception of the Championship by liberal analysts and experts. Goal. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main directions of the liberal perception of the World Cup in Qatar in the information discourse of "Al-Araby Al-Jadeed" through the prism of the historical politics of memory. Methods. The author uses the methods proposed within the memorial turn in modern interdiscipli- nary historiography, which make it possible to iden- tify and systematize the features of the transfor- mation of the collective historical memory of Arab societies through the prism of sports, actualised by the 2022 World Cup in Qatar. Scientific novelty. The article is one of the few at- tempts to interpret the historical politics of memory in modern society in the context of the perception of sports as an element of the memorial culture and historical experience of the Arab societies of the Middle East. Results. The article analyzes the main vectors and trajectories of the use of sports for the politiciza- tion and ideologization of historical memory. It is assumed that the Championship stimulated political and ideological contradictions between Arab experts on the issues of collective historical and political experience, as well as its reflection in memorial cultures. The author believes that Arab analysts formally used sports events to update the political, social and economic problems and contradictions of the Middle East through the prism of historical memory, visualizing the trauma of the colonial and orientalist heritage. Conclusions. It is shown that the Championship ac- tualized political contradictions in the perception of current historical experience, visualizing the lines of ideological demarcation between Arab intellectuals who actively used sports as an information occa- sion for discussing the problems of historical poli- tics and the politics of collective memory, including the perception of the place and role of authoritari- anism, democracy and human rights in contempo- rary memorial cultures. The author believes that the reaction of the elites to the attempts of the liberal media to turn sport into a space for memo- rial conflicts and wars of memory was minimal, as the elites were focused on maintaining control and receiving economic dividends from the World Cup. It is shown that the politicization of sports has become the contribution of modern liberal media to the aggravation of wars of memory as a form of memorial conflicts in the Arab world.

Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called "Labour"; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom's participation in the "common market", conventionally called "Conservative"; 3) the stage of Britain's participation in the European Union, conventionally called "Right-wing populist". Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.

The carrying out of the death sentence is a crossing of the line between the world
of the living and the world of the dead. In different societies, attitudes towards the
afterlife, including the death penalty, have different manifestations. The article
provides observations of the timing of the death penalty in the Mongol Empire and the
Ulus of Jochi (Golden Horde). These observations suggest that the death penalty was
carried out at night on the waning moon with a tendency to carry out the execution
during the New Moon. This is due to the attitude of nomads to the world of the dead and
has a sacral cultic mea­ning: during a violent collision with the world of the dead the
Sun should not be in the sky fully; the Moon should be seen as little as possible or
there should be a full Moon in the sky.

The paper is devoted to the problem of linguistic expertise of verbal trademarks, as well as to the search for ways to optimize this procedure. It is shown that one of the most difficult cases of such expertise is the analysis of similarity to the extent of mixing one-word and compound trademarks. In this case, the existing algorithms prescribe to compare the strong elements of such marks for similarity / dissimilarity. However, there are currently no clear and undisputed criteria for determining a strong (or weak) element in a composite designation. This article aims to find criteria based on which a linguist-expert could clearly identify the strong (weak) elements of a composite designation in the process of linguistic examination of a trademark. The article summarizes various approaches to understanding the strong (weak) element in a composite notation. A list of possible criteria for selecting such elements is provided. Examples of specific expertise are used to highlight the possibility of their usage. It is argued that the objective result will be achieved by overcoming the narrow framework of both purely legal and purely linguistic approaches and by synthetic, complex consideration of the problem of comparing single-word and compound trademarks in the process of linguistic expertise.

Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the historical memory of the American Civil War in American pop culture as a form of historical memory that dominates in the consumer society. Methods and materials. The problems of imagination and invention of images of the civil war are analyzed in the contexts of cultural history, as well as intellectual history and the history of ideas. Analysis. The author presumes that 1) the historical memory of the U.S. Civil War in modern American identity is heterogeneous; 2) various forms of culture, including "high", "mass" and "popular", actualize the images of the civil war; 3) "high" culture became the first form of imagination of the civil war in American identity; 4) in the 20th century, various forms of consumer society culture ("mass" and "popular") assimilated images of the civil war; 5) "popular" culture presents a "transitional" (from "high" to "mass") version of the memory of the war. Results. Analyzing the transformation of the Civil War memory in the pseudo-documentary film "C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America" (directed by Kevin Willmott), the author presumes that 1) popular culture reduced the civil war to a minor event in the history of the Confederation; 2) the film offers an alternative version of American historical memory, actualizing the possible trajectories of the "invention" of images of the civil war in the reality where South won; 3) the film is integrated into the intellectual history and archeology of American mass-cult ideas; 4) some texts by American intellectuals belonging to the discourse of alternative history, became cultural stimuli for the project of Kevin Willmott; 5) the transformation of the memory of the Civil War in American pop-culture actualizes the crisis of memory in society, which wasn't successful in its attempts to overcome the historical trauma of racism and racial discrimination.

Introduction. The author analyzes the features of the ideological confrontation and conflict between Iranian emigrant communities and the political elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The position of Iranian emigration is analyzed in the context of the activity of the Pahlavi dynasty representatives. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideo- logical confrontation between the two projects of Iranian political identities in contexts of criticism of the clerical regime of Iran by representatives of the Iranian political emigration of Pahlavi dynasty. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of his- toricism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of ideological confrontation between the Iranian elites and their critics from the Iranian political monarchist emigration. Scientific novelty of the study. On the one hand, the article analyzes the ideological confrontation between the clerical political regime of Iran and its critics from the communities of monarchical emi- gration as a state of remote or delayed conflict. On the other hand, the author analyzes this ideological controversy as a conflict not between society and power, but between two versions of political power: if the Iranian regime controls the political discourse in the country in fact, then its monarchist oppo- nents in exile attribute to it symbolic legitimacy and continuity with the tradition of Iranian statehood. Results. The main directions and features of criticism of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran by Iranian political emigrants of a monarchist orientation are analyzed; features of political ideol- ogy are shown; the forecast of the development of the political activity of the Iranian emigration is presented. Conclusions. The author believes that 1) the mo- narchical Iranian emigration is one of the centers of attraction for emigrants from Iran in Western Europe and North America; 2) the ideologists and theorists of the monarchical emigration are consist- ent critics of the political regime established in Iran in 1979; 3) criticism of the clerical, anti-secular and undemocratic regime of Tehran, its accusations of violating human rights and freedoms in in the cen- tre of the political doctrine of the Iranian emigra- tion; 4) the political ideal of emigration is a secular and democratic Iran, where rights and freedoms are respected, and religious minorities have equal rights with the Shiite Iranian majority.

Introduction. The author believes that the relationship between power and intellectuals can range from the active participation of the intelligentsia in politics to the disillusionment of the intellectual community in politics and in the ruling elites. The author analyzes the process in Georgian contexts. It is assumed that politics as a process has ceased to attract public interest, despite a dynamic political life. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze the process of public disillusionment with politics in the modern Georgian intellectual community. Methods. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of analyzing intellectual communities with the elements of the universal method of historicism and a comparative approach, which make it possible to identify and systematize the main features of the process of depoliticization of Georgian society. Scientific novelty. The author presents a new interpretation of the role of intellectuals in the processes of social disappointment in politics, based on the analysis of original sources in the Georgian language. Results. It is presumed that 1) Georgian intellectual community in the second half of the 2000s began to lose active interest in its own participation in politics; 2) political parties are also forced to acknowledge the crisis of loyalty because the elites and society develop independently, and their interests coincide rarely; 3) culture became an alternative project that attracts civil society more than real politics; 4) the active political participation of the Church assists to the erosion of political culture, forcing intellectuals to become disillusioned with politics, perceived as a clannish and corrupt sphere of activity. Conclusions. It is shown that disillusionment with politics in the second half of the 2000s and the gradual migration of intellectuals to cultural practices replaced the politicization of intellectual communities, which determined the main vectors of Georgian development in the previous period.

In the practice of the Soviet literary underground, it was important to restore connections with tradition, hidden or edited according to the ideological models. Dialogue with tradition was recognized as a condition for achieving creative independence and cultural identity. Naturally, many texts created outside official Soviet literature have a wide layer of intertextual and intermedial references, often pointing to cultural layers and semantic areas that are not related to each other. A typical example of such an allusional multilayeredness and polyreferentiality is poetic ekphrasis. One of the most important literary figures of the Soviet samizdat was the poet Viktor Krivulin. In his samizdat books, many texts have obvious markers of ekphrastic descriptions referring to fine art, music, and cinema; a typical feature of his poetry is 'complex ekphrasis', which combines references to different works. This article deals with several of his poems related to the collection of paintings at the Hermitage, in particular the texts devoted to the paintings by Bartolomeo Murillo and Tiziano Vecellio. Krivulin's reception of fine art was found to be influenced by his reading experience: the interpretation of the paintings is correlated with other examples of cultural reception of the same artist. Thus, ekphrasis is not only a description of a particular work but also the experience of reflection on the history of perception of an artist in culture, as well as the experience of self-relation with other ekphrases. The form of ekphrastic text thus appears for the poet as a means of historical and culturological reflection.

This article considers I. A. Bunin's poetic oeuvre from the point of view of title poetics in order to identify the main patterns and author's strategies in working with the title complex. The methodology is based on the correlation of the title with the text, subtext, and metatext of the poem, taking into account textual refinements. In Bunin's principle of working with the title complex, there is a noticeable striving for accuracy and at the same time for a metaphorical semantic comprehensiveness that includes existential, natural, and cultural constants. Thus, the main features of Bunin's poetics of titles are changes in the titles of one text, removal of titles and dedications, repetition of titles in two or more poems, combination of the theme and genre in a number of titles, and the addressing factor. In recurring titles, the researcher finds key images of Bunin's poetry that include him in the Russian poetic tradition. However, a tendency to modernism is also noticeable in Bunin's poetry in the titles of poems that contain Bunin's philosophical and poetical reflection. The titles of such poems refer to the theme of death and often contain the words "grave" / "tomb", but the text of the poem enters into an antinomic relationship with the title, i.e. a person belonging to the "world of art", culture, and tradition (myth and religious tradition) has already ascended over the world and is doomed to immortality. The removal of titles as a strong position in texts on political topics shifts the reader's attention from the temporary to the eternal and metahistorical, which is found in the text itself and clarifies the author's position.