Suchergebnisse

Relying on the idea that the Internet and social media may increase citizens' political engagement, this paper tries to answer what is the dominant sentiment of comments that users leave on the Facebook fan pages of politicians in power. To answer this question, first the auto-code sentiment analysis of nearly 44,000 comments posted on the Facebook fan page of former US president Barack Obama was conducted. Secondly, content analysis was conducted on 2,411 comments posted on former Croatian president Ivo Josipović's Facebook fan page. The results of auto-code sentiment analysis showed that examined comments in Obama's case were mostly neutral and positive, while negative sentiment was the least represented in Obama's case. The results of content analysis in the Croatian case revealed that the dominant sentiment of all comments was also positive. Finally, it was revealed that the response rate in both cases was zero, what tells us that Obama and Josipović used Facebook only for top-down communication, while the interactive potential of Facebook was neglected. ; Oslanjajući se na ideju kako internet i društvene mreže mogu povećati uključivanje građana u politiku, u ovom radu pokušavamo odgovoriti koji je dominantan sentiment komentara koje korisnici objavljuju na Facebook stranicama političara na funkcijama. Kako bi odgovorili na ovo pitanje, najprije je provedena računalna analiza sentimenta u program NVivo na gotovo 44.000 komentara objavljenih na fan stranici bivšeg američkog predsjednika Baracka Obame. Drugo, provedena je analiza sadržaja 2.411 komentara, objavljenih na Facebook stranici bivšeg hrvatskog predsjednika Ive Josipovića. Rezultati računalne analize sentimenta pokazali su kako su komentari koje građani ostavljaju većinom neutralni i pozitivni, dok je negativnih komentara u Obaminom slučaju bilo najmanje. Rezultati analize sadržaja u Josipovićevu slučaju također su pokazali kako su analizirani komentari bili pretežito pozitivni. Nadalje, nalazi otkrivaju kako su Obama i Josipović koristili Facebook prvenstveno za komunikaciju "odozgo prema dolje" (top-down), dok je interaktivni element društvene mreže u potpunosti zapostavljen, pa tako Obama i njegov tim, kao i Josipović i njegov tim, nisu odgovarali na komentare niti su sudjelovali u raspravama.

Subject of this research is the environmental function of land ownership, materialised in two civil law institutes. These are sui generis easements of common law and propter rem obligations of french law. Those institutes are a sintesis of different, more or less sincere strivings to give contributions to the Environmental Law from all of the fields of law studies. At the same time, civil law institutes attest to the great evolutive potentials of Civil Law, despite it being so old branch of law.

In this paper, the authors analyze the civil law liability of a mortgage debtor (mortgagor) in cases where the debtor breaches the obligation of treating the mortgaged real estate in compliance with the legal standard of acting with due diligence of "a good host" or "a good businessman," and thus depreciates its value to the extent that jeopardizes the possibility of enforcing the claim. Given the accessory nature of mortgage which is aimed at securing the claim as the primary right, this form of civil liability and the corresponding rights of the mortgage creditor (mortgagee) are applicable before raising the issue of traditional civil law liability, which implies the maturity of the receivables and compensation for the damage sustained by the creditor. This form of civil liability may also be used preventively when there is a real risk of causing damage to the mortgagee. The relationship between civil law liability and the insurance of the mortgaged asset implies that they do not exclude but complement each other.

Social media are usually accused of being one of the major forces for personalization of political communication and consequently for depolitization of recent politics. However, personalization seems to stimulate certain users to pay more attention to political issues and to act more responsively to such highly personalized political profiles. This article presents the results of a longitudinal analysis of online presence of Barack Obama to assess his political communication through Facebook. It also answers if presence of emotional appeals and private life cues in the posts have any effect on users' responses in terms of numbers of their likes, comments and shares. Based on a quantitative analysis of 2804 Facebook posts, published in the period from 2008 to 2016, the results of content analysis revealed that Obama used his Facebook fan page almost exclusively to communicate about political issues instead of his personal life. The analysis also confirmed that a smaller number of posts, which contained emotional appeals or cues from private life had significantly higher numbers of users' responses than posts that were not emotionalized or privatized. While personalization of Obama's political figure is part of a wider debate, this study confirms that the presence of private cues and emotional appeals stimulates greater responsiveness from Facebook users.

Social media are usually accused of being one of the major forces for personalization of ‏political communication and consequently for depolitization of recent politics. However, personalization ‏seems to stimulate certain users to pay more attention to political issues and to act more responsively to ‏such highly personalized political profiles. This article presents the results of a longitudinal analysis of ‏online presence of Barack Obama to assess his political communication through Facebook. It also answers ‏if presence of emotional appeals and private life cues in the posts have any effect on users' responses in‏ terms of numbers of their likes, comments and shares. Based on a quantitative analysis of 2804 Facebook ‏posts, published in the period from 2008 to 2016, the results of content analysis revealed that Obama ‏used his Facebook fan page almost exclusively to communicate about political issues instead of his ‏personal life. The analysis also confirmed that a smaller number of posts, which contained emotional ‏appeals or cues from private life had significantly higher numbers of users' responses than posts that ‏were not emotionalized or privatized. While personalization of Obama's political figure is part of a wider‏ debate, this study confirms that the presence of private cues and emotional appeals stimulates greater‏ responsiveness from Facebook users.‏ ; Društveni mediji su često optuživani kao jedan od glavnih stimulatora personalizacije političke ‏komunikacija, a posljedično i kao jedan od faktora koji utječu na depolitizaciju suvremene politike. Ipak,‏ personalizacija može potaknuti određene korisnike da više pažnje posvete političkim temama te da‏ djeluju responsivnije prema personaliziranim političkim profilima. U ovom članku su prezentirani rezultati‏ longitudinalne analize političke komunikacije Baracka Obame na njegovoj Facebook stranici. Istraživanje ‏je pokušalo odgovoriti na pitanje u kojoj mjeri je Obama putem Facebooka komunicirao političke teme,‏ a u kojoj mjeri osobni profil, te ima li prisutnost emocija i referenci na privatni život u postovima određeni‏ efekt na korisnike Facebooka, mjereno kroz broj lajkova, komentara i dijeljenja koje ti određeni postovi‏ dobiju. Oslanjajući se na rezultate kvantitativne analize sadržaja koja je provedena na 2804 Facebook ‏posta koji su objavljeni na Obaminoj stranici u razdoblju od 2008. do 2016., istraživanje je otkrilo kako ‏je Obama svoju Facebook stranicu koristio prvenstveno za komuniciranje političkih tema, a tek onda i‏ osobnog profila. Dok je personalizacija Obamine političke komunikacije na Facebooku predmet opširnije‏ rasprave, ovo istraživanje potvrđuje kako postovi koji sadrže emocije i reference na privatni profil privlače‏ veći broj odgovora (lajkova, komentara, dijeljenja) korisnika Facebooka od postova koji ne sadrže emocije‏ ili reference na privatni profil.‏‏ ‏ ‏

IN ENGLISH: The innovation of this paper lies in the fact that for the first time young people's perceptions about radicalism were studied. Encouraged with the unclear and confusing use of the term radicalisation, the general lack of empirical studies on the topic of radicalisation (Borum, 2011; Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010), and relying on the existing literature which suggests that young people have been particularly prone to radicalisation (Özerdem & Podder, 2011; Costanza, 2015), we conducted empirical research to reveal what young people in Croatia understand under the term "radical" and what they perceive as elementary characteristics of radical individuals. One of the incentives for this research was to see what young people understand as being radical and what is mainstream from their perspective. To get these answers we conducted six focus groups among young people between 15 and 30 from five Croatian cities and towns. The research confirmed that the radicalisation process is highly context dependent, and it pointed to the presence of a corrosive apathy among Croatian youth. Furthermore, the findings suggested that both mainstream and radical young people were viewed equally negative. In addition, describing a radical person, young people in Croatia confirmed that radicalisation has many different faces and that it can also be non-violent. Therefore, this paper could serve as a starting point for researchers particularly interested in non-violent radicalisation in non-Western contexts. --- IN CROATIAN: U ovome su članku po prvi put istraživane percepcije mladih o radikalizmu. Potaknuti nejasnom i dvosmislenom upotrebom termina radikalizacija, općenitim nedostatkom empirijskih istraživanja na ovu temu (Borum, 2011; Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010), te oslanjajući se na postojeću literaturu koja upućuje na mlade kao osobito podložne radikalizaciji (Özerdem & Podder, 2011; Costanza, 2015), proveli smo empirijsko istraživanje s ciljem otkrivanja što mladi u Hrvatskoj podrazumijevaju pod terminom "radikalan" i što percipiraju kao osnovna obilježja radikalnih pojedinaca. Jedan od poticaja istraživanju bila je želja za uvidom u ono što mladi iz svoje perspektive shvaćaju kao radikalno, odnosno kao mainstream. Da bismo dobili odgovore, proveli smo šest fokus grupa među mladima starosti od 15 do 30 godina iz pet hrvatskih gradova. Istraživanje je potvrdilo da je proces radikalizacije izrazito ovisan o kontekstu te je ukazao na prisutnost apatije među mladima u Hrvatskoj. Nadalje, nalazi upućuju da mladi u Hrvatskoj podjednako negativno percipiraju i mainstream, i radikalne mlade. Također, opisujući radikalnog pojedinca, mladi su potvrdili da radikalizacija ima mnogo različitih lica te da može postojati i u nenasilnom obliku. Stoga, rad može poslužiti kao polazište za daljnja istraživanja, posebno ona koja se bave nenasilnom radikalizacijom u nezapadnim kontekstima.

Cilj je ove studije dvostruk: prvo, želimo istražiti poseban identitet koji se pojavio kao posljedica mnogih promjena povezanih s Europskom unijom (mobilnost, IKT, rastući broj različitih EU programa i novih EU politika); drugo, želimo testirati ulogu društvenih medija u građenju ovog novog identiteta koji mi nazivamo EUens. Provodeći dubinske intervjue s 25 EUensa, pronašli smo kako pojedine kategorije koje su obično smatrane važnim faktorima u građenju europskog identiteta, kao što su klasa i politički stavovi, ne igraju važnu ulogu u građenju europskog identiteta među pripadnicima naše grupe. Drugo, rezultati našeg istraživanja pokazuju kako društveni mediji imaju potencijal da postanu važan pokretač europskog identiteta. ; The goal of this study is twofold: firstly, we want to explore specific identity that has been emerging as a consequence of many EU-related changes (e.g. development of transport, ICT, increasing number of different EU programs and new EU policies); secondly, we want to test the role of social media in building this new identity that we call EUens (European Union citizens). Conducting in-depth interviews with 25 EUens we find that some issues which are commonly seen as important factors in European identity construction, such as class and political attitudes, do not play any significant role in constructing European identity for members of our group. Secondly, our analysis suggests that social media have potential of becoming important driver of European identity.

Kad pogledamo medijske navike korisnika, posebno mladih (Reuters Institute Digital News Report, 2020), onda možemo vidjeti sve veći utjecaj društvenih medija u njihovu informiranju i komunikaciji. Značaj društvenih medija još je dodatno ojačan s početkom globalne pandemije bolesti COVID-19. U tom kontekstu društvena mreža Instagram proteklih godina postaje sve popularnija platforma na globalnoj razini, a posebno kod mlađe populacije. No, i dalje ostaje neiskorišten alat u približavanju politika, političkih aktera i važnih društvenih tema mlađoj populaciji. Cilj je ovog rada ispitati kako su ključni politički akteri u Hrvatskoj komunicirali putem Instagrama za vrijeme pandemije COVID-19 te utvrditi jesu li koristili ovu društvenu mrežu kako bi se približili publici na toj platformi, odnosno mladima. S druge strane, ovaj rad će ispitati kako komunikaciju političara na društvenoj mreži Instagram percipiraju i ocjenjuju mladi praktičari odnosa s javnošću i jesu li njihove poruke prilagođene mlađoj populaciji. Svrha će rada biti na temelju dvostruke analize donijeti zaključke i dati preporuke za unapređenje komunikacije političara na društvenoj mreži Instagram. Koristeći metodu analize sadržaja analiziran je sadržaj na Instagram profilima dvojice ministara i članova kriznog stožera za pandemiju COVID-19 te hrvatskog premijera i predsjednika. Analizom je utvrđeno na koji način političari komuniciraju, je li sadržaj prilagođen mladima i potiču li angažman u svojim objavama. Metodom strukturiranog intervjua s odabranim praktičarima odnosa s javnošću komunikacija je ocjenjivana trodimenzionalno: u sadržaju, javnom nastupu i karizmi političara na Instagramu. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata u zaključku rada sažete su preporuke za daljnju praksu u komunikaciji političara na društvenoj mreži Instagram. ; Looking at the users' media habits, especially in young users (Reuters Institute Digital News Report, 2020), we can see the growing social media influence on their information and communication. The importance of social media in information and communication is even higher since the beginning of the global COVID-19 pandemic. In that context, the social network called Instagram is becoming increasingly popular globally, particularly with younger generations. Still, it remains an unused tool in bringing policies, political actors, and important social topics closer to the younger population. The goal of this paper is to investigate how did Croatian politicians communicated via Instagram during the COVID-19 pandemic and to establish if they used this social network to get closer to the audience on that platform, that is, to young people. On the other hand, we will examine how the young public relations practitioners perceive and evaluate the Crisis and political headquarters' and communication on Instagram. Furthermore, they will review if politicians have adapted their messages to the younger population. The scope of this paper is to draw conclusions based on double analysis and give recommendations for communication improvement of politicians on Instagram. We have analysed the content on the Instagram profile of the two ministers and members of Croatian COVID-19 crisis headquarters and Croatian president and prime-minister using the content analysis method. We have established how the politicians communicate, whether the content was adapted to the young population and if their posts were engaging. Alongside the selected public relations practitioners, we have conducted structured interviews to assess the communication, using the three-dimensional assessment method: content, public performance, and charisma of the members of the politicians on Instagram. In conclusion, we have summarized the recommendations for further communication of politicians on Instagram.