Suchergebnisse

U tekstu se ispituje rasprostranjenost neokonzervativizma u stanovništvu Srbije, kao pretpostavci koja čini mogućim politički neokonzervativni zaokret. S obzirom na to da je ocena o rasprostranjenosti neke pojave relaciona kategorija, ovde je rasprostranjenost neokonzervativizama merena, s jedne strane, u odnosu na period od pre deset, odnosno petnaest godina, a s druge strane, u odnosu na trenutnu rasprostranjenost drugih ideologija u stanovništvu Srbije. Uporedni okvir je konstruisan i merni instrumenti prilagođeni sekundarnim podacima koji su prikupljeni u okviru drugih istraživanja. ; The text investigates the prevalence of neoconservatism among the population of Serbia, as an assumption enabling a political conservative turn. Having in mind that the evaluation of the prevalence of a phenomenon is a relational category, here the prevalence of neoconservatism has been measured, on one hand, in relation to the period of ten and/or fifteen years ago and, on the other hand, in relation to the current prevalence of other ideologies among the population of Serbia. The comparative framework has been constructed and measuring instruments have been adapted to secondary data collected within other studies.

U tekstu se zastupa teza da je neokonzervativizam globalni odgovor, a ne uzrok krize savremenog svetskog kapitalističkog sistema. Postavljaju se teorijski osnovi za tezu da se neokonzervativizam javlja uvek kada je kapitalizam ugrožen, a da je kriza iz 2008. godine predstavljala samo vrh ledenog brega koji je upozorio na ozbiljnost strukturne krize kapitalizma. U tom smislu neokonzervativizam predstavlja ideološko-politički pokušaj da se očuvaju postojeći odnosi moći u svetskom kapitalističkom sistemu koji su narušeni ubrzavanjem procesa globalizacije. ; The text advocates the thesis that neoconservatism is a global response and not the cause of the crisis of the contemporary world capitalist system. Theoretical foundations are established for the thesis that neoconservatism always appears when capitalism is in danger, while the 2008 crisis represented only the tip of an iceberg warning the gravity of the structural crisis of capitalism. In that respect, neoconservatism is an ideological / political attempt to preserve existing relations in the world capitalist system, disturbed by the accelerated globalization process.

U prvom delu rada konstatuje se da sociologija nije na adekvatan način reagovala na svetsku ekonomsku krizu. U drugom delu predstavljeni su pogledi kritički orijentisanih ekonomista na uzroke krize. Oni su poslužili kao uvod u analizu koja je izložena u trećem delu rada. U njemu su navedeni ekonomski, politički, tehnološki i kulturni uslovi koji su pogodovali aktivnostima transnacionalne kapitalističke klase da globalni ekonomski sistem prilagodi isključivo svojim interesima. Aktuelna ekonomska kriza samo je izraz socijalne neravnoteže koja mora biti prevaziđena ukoliko se želi izbeći dalje zaoštravanje krize i prevazilaženje situacije u kojoj se kriza smatra normalnim stanjem stvari. ; In the first part of this paper, it is established that sociology did not react adequately to the global economic crisis. In the second part, views of critically oriented economists on the causes of the crisis are presented. They are used as an introduction to the analysis presented in the third part, which specifies economic, political, technological and cultural conditions that were suitable for transnational capitalist class efforts to adapt the global economic system exclusively to their own interests. Current economic crisis is nothing but an expression of social imbalance that must be overcome if further escalation of the crisis is to be avoided.

Tekst se bavi stepenom otvorenosti domaćih političkih institucija ka evropskim inicijativama i pokušava da markira elemente saradnje i napetosti u komunikaciji između evropskih institucija i domaćih aktera koji rade na implementaciji evropskih inicijativa. Pri tom, fokusirane su kulturne i kulturom uslovljene prepreke koje utiču na (ne)razumevanje između domaćih i stranih, pre svega, evropskih institucija. Prezentacija intervjua vođenih sa trideset i dvoje predstavnika srpske političke elite sledi bitne kulturne dimenzije, kao što su komunikacija, vrednosti, stil života i elementi materijalne kulture, i utvrđuje čitav niz kulturnih neusklađenosti i razlika. Osnovni zaključak teksta je da ove razlike ipak nisu nepremostive. ; The paper deals with the degree of openness of the local political institutions towards European initiatives and mark the elements of cooperation and tensions in communication between European institutions and local actors engaged in the implementation of European initiatives. The focus is on the cultural or culture-determined obstacles bearing upon the (lack of) understanding between the local and foreign, primarily European institutions. The paper presents data obtained though in depth interviews with political elite members. The analysis follows several cultural dimensions such as: communication, values,, life style,, material culture, and emphasizes existing differences on each of them. Nevertheless, the basic conclusion contends that these differences, although not negligible, are not insurmountable.

U prvom delu teksta predstavljena su tri osnovna shvatanja o uzrocima NATO agresije na Jugoslaviju - zvanični razlozi NATO, geostrategijske teorije i 'teorije zavere'. Nakon kritičkog osvrta na sva tri gledišta u drugom delu teksta izneo sam shvatanje prema kojem je osnovni uzrok rata pokušaj vojno-industrijskog kompleksa, odnosno NATO da izazove promenu međunarodnog poretka kojim bi ponovo dobio rasion d'etre. ; Three basic explanations of cause of NATO strikes on Yugoslavia - official NATO explanation, geostrategic theory and 'theory of conspiracy' - were presented in first part of the text. After critical consideration of each of these theories, I presented an attitude that the basic cause of NATO-Serbia war was the attempt of military industry complex named NATO to provoke change of actual international order in aim to get back itÆs own reason dÆetre.

U ovom tekstu iznosimo ključne argumente dve suprotstavljene teze o pitanju značenja globalizacije. U prvom delu teksta predstavljamo stanovište autora koji globalizaciju vide kao nepovratan istorijski proces, a u drugom iznosimo stavove autora koji smatraju da je globalizacija projekt zastupnika neoliberalne ideologije. U trećem delu teksta čitaoce upoznajemo sa vlastitim stanovištem po kojem je globalizacija multidimenzionalan i kontradiktoran proces koji postoji na istom mestu, i istovremeno, sa propadanjem režima nacionalnih država. ; In this text we are presenting the key arguments for two contrary thesis about question of meaning of globalization. In the first part of article we are presenting views of authors which globalization see like irreversible historical process, in the second part of text we are presenting attitudes of authors which globalization see like political project of agents of neoliberal ideology. In the third part of article we are given our point of view that globalization means growing multidimensional and contradictory process which exist in the same time and place with process of declining of regime of national states.

Članak predstavlja drugi deo rada koji se bavi odnosom sociologije prema socijalizmu u periodu između 1945. i 1990. godine. Osnovna teza rada je da je stav jugoslovenske sociologije prema socijalizmu bio uslovljen promenama koje su se zbivale u vladajućoj kolektivno- vlasničkoj klasi i njenoj političkoj organizaciji - SKJ. U ovom delu se razmatra odnos jugoslovenske sociologije prema socijalizmu u periodu od 1967. do raspada zemlje 1990. godine. ; This article is second part of work dealing with relationship between sociology and socialism (between 1945 - 1990). Basic thesis is that . Yugoslav sociology to socialism had depended change in collective-ownership class and her political organization - CKY. In this part is observed relationship Yugoslav sociology to socialism in time from 1967 to 1990.

U tekstu se analizuju radovi domaćih sociologa koji se iz različitih uglova bave preispitivanjem domaće sociološke prakse. S obzirom da samorazumevanje nikada nije cilj sam po sebi, nego da ima prvenstveno ulogu da na eksplicitan ili implicitan način utiče na usmeravanje daljeg razvoja discipline, ovde je načinjen pokušaj da se dokaže teza da je usmeravanje sociologije zavisilo od ideološkog uticaja koji su na sociologe imali centri političke moći. S obzirom da se ponovna institucionalizacija sociologije vremenski gotovo poklapa sa trenutkom od koga ni u SKJ nije više bilo čvrste monolitnosti, pokušali smo da pokažemo da je uticajnost pojedinih gledišta o budućem razvoju sociologije prvenstveno zavisila od dominacije pojedine frakcije kolektivnovlasničke klase u političkom životu Jugoslavije. ; The text offers an analysis of works by domestic sociologists who reexamine the domestic sociological practice from different angles. Since self-understanding is never an objective unto itself, but has a primary role to exercise both explicit and implicit influence in channeling the further development of the discipline, this text is an attempt to prove the thesis that the streamlining of sociology depended on the ideological influence of centers of political power on sociologists. In view of the fact that the renewed institutionalization of sociology almost coincides with the moment of lacking monolithism even in the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, we have attempted to demonstrate that the degree of influence of specific views on the further development of sociology was primarily dependent on the domination of a specific faction of the collective-owner class in the political life of Yugoslavia.

Članak predstavlja prvi deo rada koji se bavi odnosom jugoslovenske sociologije prema socijalizmu u periodu između 1945. i 1990. godine. Stav jugoslovenske sociologije prema socijalizmu prvenstveno je bio uslovljen promenama koje su se zbivale u vladajućoj kolektivno-vlasničkoj klasi i njenoj političkoj organizaciji - SKJ. U ovom delu se razmatra odnos istorijskog materijalizma prema socijalizmu, zatim, Đilasova kritika socijalističkog društva i shvatanje prvih poratnih jugoslovenskih sociologa o društvenoj strukturi socijalizma. ; This article represents the first part of a work dealing whit the relationship between Yugoslav sociology and socialism in the period 1945. to 1990. Tle relationship between Yugoslav socilogy and socialism was on the first place determined by the changes happening too the ruling colective-owner class and its political organization - Communist Party. This article deals whit the relationship between historical materialism and socialism, and, Djilas's critics of socialist society and the ideas of first Yugoslav.

The text advocates the thesis that neoconservatism is a global response and not the cause of the crisis of the contemporary world capitalist system. Theoretical foundations are established for the thesis that neoconservatism always appears when capitalism is in danger, while the 2008 crisis represented only the tip of an iceberg warning the gravity of the structural crisis of capitalism. In that respect, neoconservatism is an ideological / political attempt to preserve existing relations in the world capitalist system, disturbed by the accelerated globalization process.

The text investigates the prevalence of neoconservatism among the population of Serbia, as an assumption enabling a political conservative turn. Having in mind that the evaluation of the prevalence of a phenomenon is a relational category, here the prevalence of neoconservatism has been measured, on one hand, in relation to the period of ten and/or fifteen years ago and, on the other hand, in relation to the current prevalence of other ideologies among the population of Serbia. The comparative framework has been constructed and measuring instruments have been adapted to secondary data collected within other studies.

U radu se razmatraju različite upotrebe i razumevanje pojma civilno društvo u domaćoj sociologiji. Analizirani su radovi objavljeni u tri reprezentativna sociološka časopisa - Sociologija, Teme i Sociološki pregled objavljeni u periodu nakon 2000. godine. Prelaz između dva milenijuma se smatra prekretnim za ovu oblast razmatranja jer je sa promenom vladajućeg režima došlo i do jasnijeg usmeravanja u pravcu evrointegracija Srbije, i preuzimanja zapadnoevropskih tekovina. U tom kontekstu civilno društvo kao vrednost, politički projekat i naučni koncept postaje posebno društveno značajan. Međutim, uprkos očekivanjima da će radovi koji se bave civilnim društvom biti relativno brojni, analiza je pokazala da je ovaj koncept mahom ostao izvan glavnih tokova socioloških razmatranja. Autori ovog rada su mišljenja da je izostavljanje koncepta civilnog društva iz mejnstrim socioloških analiza i diskusija, pre svega, posledica kritičnosti koju sociolozi iskazuju prema pojmu civilno društvo. ; This paper discusses the different use and understanding of the concept of civil society in Serbian sociology. We analyzed The articles published in the three representative sociological journals - Sociology, Themes and Sociological Review - published in the period after 2000. The transition between the two millennia is considered to be important in this area, since the regime change led to the more straightforward direction towards European integration of Serbia, and to the adoption of the Western values and standards. In this context, civil society as a political project and the scientific concept became especially socially relevant. However, despite the expectation that scientific papers and studies dealing with the concept of civil society will be relatively numerous, analysis has shown that the concept mostly remained outside the main currents of sociological thought. The authors suggest that the omission of the concept of civil society from the mainstream sociological analysis and discussion, is primarily a result of criticism ...