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The article explores Turkey's ambitions to assume a proactive role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Positioned as a middle power striving to enhance its global standing, Turkey has dedicated itself to striking a delicate balance between Russia and Ukraine in its foreign policy. This is exemplified by Ankara's engagement in an ambiguous cooperative rivalry with Russia while strengthening its partnership with Ukraine, including military cooperation in the Black Sea Region. Given these circumstances, Turkey sees itself as naturally inclined to act as a facilitator in brokering a ceasefire and bringing about peace between the two conflicting parties. Some successes have already been achieved, with the grain initiative being a primary example thereof.

This article provides insight into Turkey's strategic pursuit of a more active and influential role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Turkey, positioning itself as a middle power, seeks to elevate its global standing. This involves a delicate diplomatic balancing act in its foreign policy approach towards both Russia and Ukraine. The equilibrium thus achieved positions Turkey as a natural mediator, serving as a catalyst for brokering a peace initiative among the conflicting parties. Ankara's diplomatic activism is not just a tactical move but also a manifestation of Turkey's broader global ambitions, underlining its commitment to playing a more significant role in shaping international affairs. These aspirations clash with a rising penchant in Turkey to pursue a more militaristic and coercive foreign policy, which stands in contradiction to the role of a benign power.

Against the backdrop of Turkish-Russian cooperative rivalry – an ambiguous relationship fraught with strategic competition on the one hand, and driven by cooperation in key areas (energy, defence) on the other, the article surveys the growing interdependencies between Turkey and Ukraine and seeks to answer the question whether closer bonds – political and military – between these two countries could be seen as a strategy of soft balancing against Russia. On a broader level, the article speculates on the complex nature of Turkey-Russia relations, which have become increasingly volatile, transactional, opportunistic and compartmentalized.

Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party's (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy.

Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party's (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy. ; Od 1946 r., Turcja jest demokracją wielopartyjną – w państwie tym regularnie odbywają się wolne, konkurencyjne wybory. Jednak w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu, wraz z konsolidacją władzy przez Partię Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju, pojawia się coraz więcej wątpliwości co do uczciwości wyborów. Partia rządząca zaczęła uciekać się do szeregu środków, ograniczających ich konkurencyjność. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie skali nadużyć wyborczych w Turcji, z naciskiem na jeden z trzech głównych obszarów manipulacji wyborczych, to jest manipulowanie "preferencjami wyborców" (vote choice), który wydaje się być najbardziej problematyczny. Ambicją autorów jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy wybory w Turcji, mimo obserwowanych nieprawidłowości, nadal spełniają międzynarodowe standardy, czy też Turcja staje się 'wyborczą autokracją'?

Od 1946 r., Turcja jest demokracją wielopartyjną – w państwie tym regularnie odbywają się wolne, konkurencyjne wybory. Jednak w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu, wraz z konsolidacją władzy przez Partię Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju, pojawia się coraz więcej wątpliwości co do uczciwości wyborów. Partia rządząca zaczęła uciekać się do szeregu środków, ograniczających ich konkurencyjność. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie skali nadużyć wyborczych w Turcji, z naciskiem na jeden z trzech głównych obszarów manipulacji wyborczych, to jest manipulowanie "preferencjami wyborców" (vote choice), który wydaje się być najbardziej problematyczny. Ambicją autorów jest udzielenie odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy wybory w Turcji, mimo obserwowanych nieprawidłowości, nadal spełniają międzynarodowe standardy, czy też Turcja staje się 'wyborczą autokracją'? ; Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party's (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy.

The article explores the transformation which the Turkish foreign policy has been undergoing in the last decade since the post-Islamist Justice and Development Party had come to power. Whereas in the cold-war era Turkey concentrated its foreign policy on bolstering the alliance with the United States and on efforts to join the European Communities, last couple of years have seen the country diversify its international engagement. Turkey has been using 'new' instruments, such as softpower, to build up its regional status. Yet, the ambitious foreign policy is constrained by the regional developments, the Arab Spring turmoil being the prime example.

Cover -- Copyright information -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Theoretical Framework -- 1.1 Electoral Integrity and Electoral Malpractice -- 1.1.1 Definitions -- 1.1.2 Electoral Malpractice: Taxonomies -- 1.2 Political Regimes -- 2. Elections and Travails of Turkish Democracy -- 2.1 Multi-party Democracy and Elections in Turkey 1950-2002 -- 2.2 AKP as a (Pre)dominant Party and (De)democratisation of Turkey. Towards Political Hegemony -- 2.3 Conclusion -- 3. Electoral Malpractices and Regime Change in Turkey -- 3.1 General Overview -- 3.2 Review of Electoral Malpractices -- 3.2.1 Manipulation of the Law -- Gerrymandering -- Malapportionment -- Electoral Rights -- Election Campaign -- Out-of-Country Voting -- Voting and Electoral Authorities -- 3.2.2 Manipulation of Vote Choice -- Manipulation of Genuine Preferences -- Undue Influence -- 3.2.3 Manipulation of the Voting Act -- Voter Registration -- Polling Arrangements -- Voting -- Counting and Tabulation of Votes -- Last Stages of Electoral Cycle -- 3.3 Impact of Electoral Malpractices on Political Regime -- 3.3.1 General Model of Relationship -- 3.3.2 Feedback Mechanism: Process-Tracing Analysis -- 3.4 Conclusion -- 4. Electoral Malpractices and Regime Change in Central Europe and the Balkans: Case Study of Hungary, North Macedonia and Serbia -- 4.1 Introductory Issues -- 4.1.1 Democratisation and Its Retreat in Central Europe and the Balkans: General Context -- 4.1.2 De-democratisation and Electoral Malpractices in Turkey, Central Europe and the Balkans from a Comparative Perspective -- 4.1.3 Comparative Perspective: Methods and Structure of the Chapter -- 4.2 Hungary and the Fidesz Government -- 4.2.1 Institutional, Political and Social Context Prior to Fidesz Victory in 2010 -- 4.2.2 Regime Change and Electoral Malpractices: 2010-2014.

This article provides insight into Turkey's strategic pursuit of a more active and influential role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Turkey, positioning itself as a middle power, seeks to elevate its global standing. This involves a delicate diplomatic balancing act in its foreign policy approach towards both Russia and Ukraine. The equilibrium thus achieved positions Turkey as a natural mediator, serving as a catalyst for brokering a peace initiative among the conflicting parties. Ankara's diplomatic activism is not just a tactical move but also a manifestation of Turkey's broader global ambitions, underlining its commitment to playing a more significant role in shaping international affairs. These aspirations clash with a rising penchant in Turkey to pursue a more militaristic and coercive foreign policy, which stands in contradiction to the role of a benign power.

Intro -- Introduction (Józef M. Fiszer) -- Chapter 1. The Euro-Atlantic System Today and its Prospects in the New Global Order -- 1.1. Introduction -- 1.2. Evolution of the Euro-Atlantic system at the turn of the XX and XXI centuries -- 1.3. Shaping the multi-polar world order - determinants, opportunities and threats -- 1.4. The Future of the Euro-Atlantic System in the Multi-polar World -- 1.5. Conclusion -- Chapter 2. Rising Powers, Global Governance and the New International Order - Challenges for the European Union and the United States -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Quantifying the new international order -- 2.3. Heterogeneous and defensive alliance of the rising powers -- 2.4. Rising Powers and the Global Governance Architecture -- 2.5. Conclusion -- Chapter 3. The European Union and the United States in the process of shaping a new architecture of global governance in a transatlantic perspective -- 3.1. Introduction -- 3.2. Transatlantic relations and the new architecture of world order -- 3.3. Conclusion -- -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. China and Asia-Pacific - a double challenge -- 4.2.1.The change in economic and military balance of power -- 4.2.2. Rising risk of conflict in the region -- 4.3. China as a geo-economic competitor -- 4.3.1.China as a technological superpower? -- 4.3.2.China as global power -- 4.4. The tasks of the West -- 4.5. Conclusion -- Chapter 5. Differentiated Integration in the European Union and its Prospects in the Context of Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policies -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. What is the nature of differentiation in the European Union? -- 5.3. Typologies of internal and external differentiation -- 5.4. Differentiated integration as an opportunity for stalled enlargement and neighbourhood policies -- 5.4.1. Is flexible membership acceptable to candidate and neighbouring states?.