Suchergebnisse

Refer to the galley

ABSTRACT The Bajau Laut, or Sea Bajau or also often referred to with the derogatory label Palauh by other communities, are known to be living within their ancestral domain of the Sulu and the Celebes Seas or the Sulu-Semporna-South Sulawesi Triangle. During the Pre-British period, their mobility around this region was well established as part of their civilization and was not an issue with other peoples in the land-based territories. However, the legal status of the Bajau Laut became problematic when citizenship and territories were formalized by the emergence of the nation-states of the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia. In the case of the Bajau Laut population located on the Malaysian side of Sabah, the dynamics of their own internal development has become more complicated. In Sabah there are three groups of Bajau: the West Coast Bajau, the various groups of East Coast Bajau, and the Bajau Laut who can be found along Sabah's east coast, and around the islands off of Semporna. These three groups can be differentiated by their language and dialects, as well as livelihood, status in life, education, community structure and their general worldviews. The West Coast Bajau and the East Coast Bajau have slowly integrated themselves into the Malaysian society, while the Bajau Laut continues their semi-nomadic life at sea and are generally regarded as stateless by the Malaysian government. This paper looks into the changes that has occurred within the Bajau Laut group and how they are viewed by the Sabah government and society. One of the main finding of this paper is that the status of the Bajau Laut as stateless has made them more vulnerable and easily exploited. This in turn presents as a possible security problem to the state as these people pledges allegiance to no one.

Rupa bentuk dasar luar di sesebuah negara banyak ditentukan oleh pemimpin. Peranan pemimpin terutamanya ketua eksekutif negara sangat penting dalam menentukan bagaimana dasar luar sesebuah negara akan dipandu berdasarkan kepentingan nasional. Dalam hal ini, karakter dan persepsi pemimpin ini sangat penting dalam mempengaruhi dan menentukan bagaimana polisi atau dasar luar sesebuah negara tersebut dibentuk. Artikel ini memfokuskan kepada peranan perdana menteri negara ini bermula dari Tunku Abdul Rahman sehinggalah kepada Najib Tun Abdul Razak dalam mengendalikan dasar luar Malaysia. Masing-masing memperlihatkan minat serta kepintaran mereka dalam mengendalikan dasar luar tersebut. Artikel ini mendapati bermula dari Tunku yang pro-Barat, dasar berkecuali Tun Razak, dasar penerusan Tun Hussein Onn, dasar konfrontasi Dr Mahathir dengan Barat, dasar tidak konfrontasi Abdullah Badawi dan dasar pragmatik Najib, jelas memperlihatkan kepentingan pemimpin negara mengemudi dasar luar Malaysia, sesuai dengan kepentingan negara di persada antarabangsa serta telah berjaya memprojeksi nama Malaysia di persada dunia.

The characteristic of foreign policy is determined by the leader of a country. The role of the leader, especially the chief executive of the state is very important in determining how a country's foreign policy will be formulated according to its national interests. In this respect, the character and perception of the leader are very important in influencing and determining the orientation of the policy or foreign policy of the state. This article focuses on the role of Malaysia's prime minister from Tunku to Najib in conducting foreign policy. Each of these leaders has demonstrated their enthusiasm and wisdom in conducting Malaysia's foreign policy. This article discovered that from the Tunku's pro-Western policy, Tun Razak non-align policy, the continuation of the policy under Tun Hussein, Mahathir's confrontational posture, an accommodative policy under Abdullah and Najib's pragmatic policy, clearly indicate the crucial role of state's' leader in conducting Malaysia's foreign policy and to pursue its national interests that have successfully projecting Malaysia name in the international arena.

ABSTRACT The Bajau Laut, or Sea Bajau or also often referred to with the derogatory label Palauh by other communities, are known to be living within their ancestral domain of the Sulu and the Celebes Seas or the Sulu-Semporna-South Sulawesi Triangle. During the Pre-British period, their mobility around this region was well established as part of their civilization and was not an issue with other peoples in the land-based territories. However, the legal status of the Bajau Laut became problematic when citizenship and territories were formalized by the emergence of the nation-states of the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia. In the case of the Bajau Laut population located on the Malaysian side of Sabah, the dynamics of their own internal development has become more complicated. In Sabah there are three groups of Bajau: the West Coast Bajau, the various groups of East Coast Bajau, and the Bajau Laut who can be found along Sabah's east coast, and around the islands off of Semporna. These three groups can be differentiated by their language and dialects, as well as livelihood, status in life, education, community structure and their general worldviews. The West Coast Bajau and the East Coast Bajau have slowly integrated themselves into the Malaysian society, while the Bajau Laut continues their semi-nomadic life at sea and are generally regarded as stateless by the Malaysian government. This paper looks into the changes that has occurred within the Bajau Laut group and how they are viewed by the Sabah government and society. One of the main finding of this paper is that the status of the Bajau Laut as stateless has made them more vulnerable and easily exploited. This in turn presents as a possible security problem to the state as these people pledges allegiance to no one.

ABSTRAK Makalah ini membincangkan penyeludupan yang berlaku di Pulau Sebatik, sebuah pulau yang dikongsi bersama oleh Malaysia-Indonesia. Tumpuan diberikan kepada penyeludupan dadah, senjata dan teroris serta pemerdagangan manusia dan pendatang tanpa izin (PTI) yang berlaku di pulau tersebut. Kedudukan Pulau Sebatik yang sangat ideal membolehkan penyeludupan dilakukan oleh pihak sindiket mahupun individu serta ditambah lagi dengan beberapa faktor seperti rasuah, kurangnya kawalan pihak keselamatan Malaysia, jaringan sosial serta kejauhan jarak antara Pulau Sebatik (Indonesia)-Jakarta. Dengan menggunakan kaedah kualitatif, data diperoleh melalui temu bual dan pemerhatian di lapangan serta rujukan buku, tesis, artikel jurnal, akhbar di samping laman web agensi kerajaan. Dapatan kajian mendapati dadah yang di seludup melalui Pulau Sebatik hanya sekitar 10 peratus sahaja, namun kemudiannya disebarkan sehingga ke Sulawesi Selatan. Pulau ini digunakan sebagai laluan bagi aktiviti kumpulan radikal di Indonesia mendapatkan latihan serta menyokong pihak yang tertindas di selatan Filipina di samping menyeludup senjata dari selatan Filipina ke Indonesia; dan sindiket pemerdagangan orang dan PTI mengambil peluang kerana menyedari ramai rakyat dari Indonesia yang mahu masuk ke Sabah untuk bekerja.

ABSTRACT This paper discusses smuggling activities taking place on Sebatik Island, an island that is shared by Malaysia-Indonesia. The focus is on drug smuggling, weapons smuggling and its links to terrorists organisations/cells, as well as human trafficking in which the Indonesian-migration border has been described as largest clandestine migrant flows in the world. The island's geographic position compounded by corruption, lack of control by Malaysian security, social network and Sebatik (Indonesia)-Jakarta distance, makes it ideal for smuggling syndicates and individuals. The findings were found by using qualitative methods with data obtained through interviews, field observations as well as books, theses, journal articles, newspapers as well as government agency websites. The results of the study found that drugs through Sebatik were only 10 per cent but it was then spread all the way to South Sulawesi; radical groups in Indonesia use Sebatik to obtain training and provide support to those oppressed in the southern Philippines while at the same time, weapons are being smuggled from the Philippines to Indonesia; and human trafficking syndicates prey on Indonesians who are desperate for job opportunities in Malaysia. These criminal activities of smugglers clearly undermine the capacity of states to safeguard their own sovereignty.

ABSTRAK Makalah ini membincangkan penyeludupan yang berlaku di Pulau Sebatik, sebuah pulau yang dikongsi bersama oleh Malaysia-Indonesia. Tumpuan diberikan kepada penyeludupan dadah, senjata dan teroris serta pemerdagangan manusia dan pendatang tanpa izin (PTI) yang berlaku di pulau tersebut. Kedudukan Pulau Sebatik yang sangat ideal membolehkan penyeludupan dilakukan oleh pihak sindiket mahupun individu serta ditambah lagi dengan beberapa faktor seperti rasuah, kurangnya kawalan pihak keselamatan Malaysia, jaringan sosial serta kejauhan jarak antara Pulau Sebatik (Indonesia)-Jakarta. Dengan menggunakan kaedah kualitatif, data diperoleh melalui temu bual dan pemerhatian di lapangan serta rujukan buku, tesis, artikel jurnal, akhbar di samping laman web agensi kerajaan. Dapatan kajian mendapati dadah yang di seludup melalui Pulau Sebatik hanya sekitar 10 peratus sahaja, namun kemudiannya disebarkan sehingga ke Sulawesi Selatan. Pulau ini digunakan sebagai laluan bagi aktiviti kumpulan radikal di Indonesia mendapatkan latihan serta menyokong pihak yang tertindas di selatan Filipina di samping menyeludup senjata dari selatan Filipina ke Indonesia; dan sindiket pemerdagangan orang dan PTI mengambil peluang kerana menyedari ramai rakyat dari Indonesia yang mahu masuk ke Sabah untuk bekerja. ABSTRACT This paper discusses smuggling activities taking place on Sebatik Island, an island that is shared by Malaysia-Indonesia. The focus is on drug smuggling, weapons smuggling and its links to terrorists organisations/cells, as well as human trafficking in which the Indonesian-migration border has been described as largest clandestine migrant flows in the world. The island's geographic position compounded by corruption, lack of control by Malaysian security, social network and Sebatik (Indonesia)-Jakarta distance, makes it ideal for smuggling syndicates and individuals. The findings were found by using qualitative methods with data obtained through interviews, field observations as well as books, theses, journal articles, newspapers as well as government agency websites. The results of the study found that drugs through Sebatik were only 10 per cent but it was then spread all the way to South Sulawesi; radical groups in Indonesia use Sebatik to obtain training and provide support to those oppressed in the southern Philippines while at the same time, weapons are being smuggled from the Philippines to Indonesia; and human trafficking syndicates prey on Indonesians who are desperate for job opportunities in Malaysia. These criminal activities of smugglers clearly undermine the capacity of states to safeguard their own sovereignty.

Elemen bukan fizikal merupakan elemen utama dalam pembentukan sempadan, terutamanya pembentukan sempadan identiti sesuatu kumpulan. Namun, artikel ini melihat bahawa pembentukan sempadan bukan fizikal ini tidak boleh difahami sebagai satu proses semula jadi kerana ia merupakan elemen yang dibentuk oleh proses tertentu. Dalam hal ini, penulis melihat bahawa salah satu daripada elemen penting yang membawa kepada wujudnya wacana hegemoni dalam pembentukan sempadan identiti ini adalah melalui elemen peristiwa. Oleh itu, artikel ini membincangkan bahawa peristiwa Tanduo di Sabah merupakan tragedi identiti masyarakat Tausug di negeri ini kerana peristiwa ini mewujudkan kebenaran sosial dalam kalangan masyarakat yang akhirnya membawa kepada imej negatif masyarakat Suluk di negeri Sabah. Jelasnya, pembentukan imej negatif ini terhasil daripada fungsi peristiwa tersebut dan menyebabkan ia menjadi salah satu fakta yang tidak dapat disangkal kebenarannya. Akibatnya, masyarakat Suluk dilihat sebagai bermasalah, perlu dijauhi, berbahaya dan seterusnya membawa kepada pembentukan pelbagai kategori Tausug yang sebelum ini berada dalam satu kategori yang sama. Dalam hal ini, penulis melihat jika sempadan fizikal boleh diperkukuhkan melalui peningkatan ketenteraan, artikel ini melihat pembentukan dasar-dasar yang berguna perlu dimainkan oleh badanbadan bukan kerajaan, ahli-ahli politik dan sebagainya terutamanya dalam mengurus persepsi yang berlaku ini.

A non-physical element is a key element in the border formation, particularly the formation of group's identity. However, this paper argues that the formation of this non-physical boundary cannot be understood as a natural process or pre-given but produced by a particular social and historical process. In this case, the authors argue that one of the crucial elements that led to the emergence of this hegemonic discourse of the identity formation is through the role of event. Therefore, this paper argues that Tanduo incident in 2013 was the tragedy of the Suluk identity formation in the state. The Tanduo incident has produced the particular kind of relationships, self/other and eventually led to the negative representation of the Suluk community in the state. Apparently, the formation of this negative representation is derived from the role of event, namely the Tanduo incident which produce a new reality, undeniable fact and truth about the Suluk. As a result of this self/other relationships, the Suluk community has been seen as problematic, to be shunned, dangerous and finally it leads to the formation of the bad and good Suluk categories. In this case, the author argues that, if the physical boundaries can be strengthened through military enforcement, this paper sees the non-governmental organizations, politicians, ruling government and various segments of Sabah society play a very crucial role especially in managing this negative perception towards Suluk community

Elemen bukan fizikal merupakan elemen utama dalam pembentukan sempadan, terutamanya pembentukan sempadan identiti sesuatu kumpulan. Namun, artikel ini melihat bahawa pembentukan sempadan bukan fizikal ini tidak boleh difahami sebagai satu proses semula jadi kerana ia merupakan elemen yang dibentuk oleh proses tertentu. Dalam hal ini, penulis melihat bahawa salah satu daripada elemen penting yang membawa kepada wujudnya wacana hegemoni dalam pembentukan sempadan identiti ini adalah melalui elemen 'peristiwa'. Oleh itu, artikel ini membincangkan bahawa peristiwa Tanduo di Sabah merupakan 'tragedi' identiti masyarakat Tausug di negeri ini kerana peristiwa ini mewujudkan kebenaran sosial dalam kalangan masyarakat yang akhirnya membawa kepada imej negatif masyarakat Suluk di negeri Sabah. Jelasnya, pembentukan imej negatif ini terhasil daripada fungsi 'peristiwa' tersebut dan menyebabkan ia menjadi salah satu fakta yang tidak dapat disangkal kebenarannya. Akibatnya, masyarakat Suluk dilihat sebagai 'bermasalah', 'perlu dijauhi', 'berbahaya' dan seterusnya membawa kepada pembentukan pelbagai kategori Tausug yang sebelum ini berada dalam satu kategori yang sama. Dalam hal ini, penulis melihat jika sempadan fizikal boleh diperkukuhkan melalui peningkatan ketenteraan, artikel ini melihat pembentukan dasar-dasar yang berguna perlu dimainkan oleh badanbadan bukan kerajaan, ahli-ahli politik dan sebagainya terutamanya dalam mengurus persepsi yang berlaku ini. A non-physical element is a key element in the border formation, particularly the formation of group's identity. However, this paper argues that the formation of this non-physical boundary cannot be understood as a natural process or pre-given but produced by a particular social and historical process. In this case, the authors argue that one of the crucial elements that led to the emergence of this hegemonic discourse of the identity formation is through the role of 'event'. Therefore, this paper argues that Tanduo'sincident in 2013 was the 'tragedy' of the Suluk identity formation in the state. The Tanduo incident has produced the particular kind of relationships, self/other and eventually led to the negative representation of the Suluk community in the state. Apparently, the formation of this negative representation is derived from the role of 'event', namely the Tanduo incident which produce a new reality, undeniable fact and truth about the Suluk. As a result of this self/other relationships, the Suluk community has been seen as 'problematic', 'to be shunned', 'dangerous' and finally it leads to the formation of the 'bad' and 'good' Suluk categories. In this case, the author argues that, if the physical boundaries can be strengthened through military enforcement, this paper sees the non-governmental organizations, politicians, ruling government and various segments of Sabah society play a very crucial role especially in managing this negative perception towards Suluk community

Sabah sering dianggap sebagai fixed deposit Barisan Nasional (BN) dan UMNO sejak 1994. Kemenangan yang sering dicapai dalam oleh UMNO/BN Sabah dan Sarawak dalam PRU sejak 1994, 1998, 2004, 2008 dan 2013 merupakan testimoni kepada realiti ini. Namun dalam PRU-14, BN gagal mempertahankan kedudukannya di Sabah apabila secara teknikal telah kehilangan kuasanya kepada Parti Warisan yang kemudian telah berkuasa di Sabah. Di Parlimen Silam yang merupakan fixed deposit BN, mereka telah kalah 4-0 kepada Parti Warisan. Makalah ini membincangkan antara isu yang membawa kepada kekalahan ini antara lain; kepimpinan, tidak peka kepada masalah penduduk setinggan, nepotisme, isu tanah, ESSCOM, kenaikan kos sara hidup dan 1MDB. Kaedah kualitatif telah digunakan dengan temu bual, pemerhatian dan kepustakaan. Temu bual telah dibuat dengan calon bertanding, ahli politik (UMNO) dan Parti Warisan serta masyarakat di Parlimen Silam. Makalah ini mendapati bahawa keengganan BN belajar dari segi sejarah bahawa rakyat Sabah dan pengundi Silam yang rasional memilih menukar kerajaan jika mereka tidak puas hati dengan kerajaan sebagaimana yang pernah berlaku pada 1976 (USNO), 1985 (Berjaya) dan 1994 (PBS). Kegagalan belajar dari sejarah mengakibatkan BN tumbang di Parlimen Silam dalam PRU-14 , kubu kuatnya selama ini.AbstractSince BN/UMNOs entry into East Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak were often referred to as BN/UMNOs fixed deposit states following their victory during the 1994, 1998, 2004, 2008 and 2013 general elections. However, GE-14 saw the change in BN's hold on Sabah when Parti Warisan came to power. In the Parliament Seat of Silam, BN lost 4-0 to Parti Warisan. This article looks into the factors that contributed to this defeat amongst which was the lack of attention on the squatter problems, nepotism, land issues, ESSCOM, rising costs of living and 1MDB. Qualitative methods such as interviews, observation, and secondary data i.e. newspapers, journal articles, books and internet were used. Interviews with contending candidates, political members from both BN and Parti Warisan, as well as the general community in Silam was carried out. The findings observed was the failure of BN to heed lessons from past elections whereby voters in Sabah would rationally vote to change governments if they were not satisfied with the government of the day, as was the case in 1976 (USNO), 1985 (Berjaya) and 1994 (PBS). It was this lack of attention to history which saw BN's lost over its stronghold in Silam during GE-14.

Sabah sering dianggap sebagai fixed deposit Barisan Nasional (BN) dan UMNO sejak 1994. Kemenangan yang sering dicapai dalam oleh UMNO/BN Sabah dan Sarawak dalam PRU sejak 1994, 1998, 2004, 2008 dan 2013 merupakan testimoni kepada realiti ini. Namun dalam PRU-14, BN gagal mempertahankan kedudukannya di Sabah apabila secara teknikal telah kehilangan kuasanya kepada Parti Warisan yang kemudian telah berkuasa di Sabah. Di Parlimen Silam yang merupakan fixed deposit BN, mereka telah kalah 4-0 kepada Parti Warisan. Makalah ini membincangkan antara isu yang membawa kepada kekalahan ini antara lain; kepimpinan, tidak peka kepada masalah penduduk setinggan, nepotisme, isu tanah, ESSCOM, kenaikan kos sara hidup dan 1MDB. Kaedah kualitatif telah digunakan dengan temu bual, pemerhatian dan kepustakaan. Temu bual telah dibuat dengan calon bertanding, ahli politik (UMNO) dan Parti Warisan serta masyarakat di Parlimen Silam. Makalah ini mendapati bahawa keengganan BN belajar dari segi sejarah bahawa rakyat Sabah dan pengundi Silam yang rasional memilih menukar kerajaan jika mereka tidak puas hati dengan kerajaan sebagaimana yang pernah berlaku pada 1976 (USNO), 1985 (Berjaya) dan 1994 (PBS). Kegagalan belajar dari sejarah mengakibatkan BN tumbang di Parlimen Silam dalam PRU-14 , kubu kuatnya selama ini.AbstractSince BN/UMNOs entry into East Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak were often referred to as BN/UMNOs fixed deposit states following their victory during the 1994, 1998, 2004, 2008 and 2013 general elections. However, GE-14 saw the change in BN's hold on Sabah when Parti Warisan came to power. In the Parliament Seat of Silam, BN lost 4-0 to Parti Warisan. This article looks into the factors that contributed to this defeat amongst which was the lack of attention on the squatter problems, nepotism, land issues, ESSCOM, rising costs of living and 1MDB. Qualitative methods such as interviews, observation, and secondary data i.e. newspapers, journal articles, books and internet were used. Interviews with contending candidates, political members from both BN and Parti Warisan, as well as the general community in Silam was carried out. The findings observed was the failure of BN to heed lessons from past elections whereby voters in Sabah would rationally vote to change governments if they were not satisfied with the government of the day, as was the case in 1976 (USNO), 1985 (Berjaya) and 1994 (PBS). It was this lack of attention to history which saw BN's lost over its stronghold in Silam during GE-14.

Malaysia-Indonesia belongs to the Malay kinship or rumpun Melayu as they are immediate neighbouring countries. However, being sovereign nation states, they are bound to adhere to their respective national interests as the guiding principles in the relation with one another. This paper examines the ups and downs in Malaysia-Indonesia bilateral relations from 2000 to 2010. Among the issues included in the discussion are the role of ASEAN in Malaysia-Indonesia relations, cooperation in workforce and illegal immigrants, overlapping territorial claims, terrorism, trade and investment, border cooperation as well as issues pertaining to non-diplomatic matters such as tourism, social and cultural issues. The paper is constructed based on the data collected from interviews with diplomat and officers. It concludes that although both countries belong to the same Malay kinship, national interests of both countries are distinctly different from each other because both are independent sovereign states. Accordingly, the ways in which both countries manage contentious issues through diplomatic and non-diplomatic channels are predominantly determined by their own national interests. This is the pre-dominant reason that explains conflicting nature of bilateral relations between of the two countries in the past decade.

Hegemoni BN di Silam termasuk Sabah bermula apabila UMNO berjaya melebarkan sayapnya ke Sabah tahun 1994. Klimaks kepada hegemoni ini ialah apabila Sabah menerima jolokan simpanan tetap kerana kemampuannya menyelamatkan BN daripada rebah angkara tsunami politik yang dikesan bermula 2004. Namun isu-isu berkaitan peningkatan kos sara hidup, kadar pengangguran di kalangan anak-anak muda, masalah kleptokrasi di kalangan ahli-ahli politik dan ledakan media sosial telah merubah landskap politik luar jangka menyebabkan hegemoni BN tersungkur pada PRU-14. Oleh itu makalah ini melihat kejayaan BN mengekalkan hegemoni di parlimen Silam dan bagaimana hegemoni ini berjaya ditamatkan oleh parti-parti non-BN terutamanya Warisan. Untuk merungkaikan masalah ini, keputusan pilihanraya bermula daripada PRU-11 dan siaran-siaran akhbar dianalisis. Di samping itu kajilidikan lapangan dilakukan bagi mengesah dan mengukuhkan dapatan. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor pengekalan hegemoni BN sebelum PRU-14 banyak dipengaruhi oleh faktor nasional dan kekuatan jentera BN yang kukuh di samping agen-agen kerajaan berjaya digunakan untuk memberi gambaran yang baik terhadap BN. Namun PRU-14 BN di kuburkan di P.188 Silam termasuk ketiga-tiga DUN di dalamnya iaitu N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu dan N.51 Kunak. Puncanya ialah isu-isu yang dihadapi oleh kerajaan berjaya dipersepsi secara buruk oleh kebanyakan media sosial yang dilihat anti BN menyebabkan berlakunya perubahan sikap rakyat terutamanya pengundi muda di saluran 3, 4 dan 5.
Abstract
The BN Hegemony of Silam, including Sabah started when UMNO succeeded to spread its wings to Sabah in 1994. The climax of Sabah hegemony happened when it was able to save BN from drowning during the political tsunami that was detected since 2004. However, issues related to the increasing cost of living, unemployment among young people, the problem of kleptocracy among politicians and the explosion of social media have changed the political landscape and witnessed the collapse of BN hegemony in GE-14. Thus, this paper reviews the success of BN in maintaining its hegemony in Silam and how this hegemony was put to an end by non-BN parties especially Warisan. To explore this case, election results and press releases beginning GE-11 were analyzed. In addition, field surveys were conducted to confirm and strengthen the findings. The results of the analysis show that the factors maintaining BN's hegemony prior to GE-14 were heavily influenced by the national factor and the strength of BN's machinery, as well as government agents who were successful in promoting a good impression of BN. However, during GE-14 BN failed to secure victory at P.188 Silam including the three state constituencies in N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu and N.51 Kunak. The reason of this failure is due to anti-BN social media that managed to give negative perceptions of the issues faced by the government, resulting in a change of attitude in people, especially young voters in channels 3, 4 and 5.

Hegemoni BN di Silam termasuk Sabah bermula apabila UMNO berjaya melebarkan sayapnya ke Sabah tahun 1994. Klimaks kepada hegemoni ini ialah apabila Sabah menerima jolokan simpanan tetap kerana kemampuannya menyelamatkan BN daripada rebah angkara tsunami politik yang dikesan bermula 2004. Namun isu-isu berkaitan peningkatan kos sara hidup, kadar pengangguran di kalangan anak-anak muda, masalah kleptokrasi di kalangan ahli-ahli politik dan ledakan media sosial telah merubah landskap politik luar jangka menyebabkan hegemoni BN tersungkur pada PRU-14. Oleh itu makalah ini melihat kejayaan BN mengekalkan hegemoni di parlimen Silam dan bagaimana hegemoni ini berjaya ditamatkan oleh parti-parti non-BN terutamanya Warisan. Untuk merungkaikan masalah ini, keputusan pilihanraya bermula daripada PRU-11 dan siaran-siaran akhbar dianalisis. Di samping itu kajilidikan lapangan dilakukan bagi mengesah dan mengukuhkan dapatan. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahawa faktor pengekalan hegemoni BN sebelum PRU-14 banyak dipengaruhi oleh faktor nasional dan kekuatan jentera BN yang kukuh di samping agen-agen kerajaan berjaya digunakan untuk memberi gambaran yang baik terhadap BN. Namun PRU-14 BN di kuburkan di P.188 Silam termasuk ketiga-tiga DUN di dalamnya iaitu N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu dan N.51 Kunak. Puncanya ialah isu-isu yang dihadapi oleh kerajaan berjaya dipersepsi secara buruk oleh kebanyakan media sosial yang dilihat anti BN menyebabkan berlakunya perubahan sikap rakyat terutamanya pengundi muda di saluran 3, 4 dan 5. Abstract The BN Hegemony of Silam, including Sabah started when UMNO succeeded to spread its wings to Sabah in 1994. The climax of Sabah hegemony happened when it was able to save BN from drowning during the political tsunami that was detected since 2004. However, issues related to the increasing cost of living, unemployment among young people, the problem of kleptocracy among politicians and the explosion of social media have changed the political landscape and witnessed the collapse of BN hegemony in GE-14. Thus, this paper reviews the success of BN in maintaining its hegemony in Silam and how this hegemony was put to an end by non-BN parties especially Warisan. To explore this case, election results and press releases beginning GE-11 were analyzed. In addition, field surveys were conducted to confirm and strengthen the findings. The results of the analysis show that the factors maintaining BN's hegemony prior to GE-14 were heavily influenced by the national factor and the strength of BN's machinery, as well as government agents who were successful in promoting a good impression of BN. However, during GE-14 BN failed to secure victory at P.188 Silam including the three state constituencies in N.49 Tungku, N.50 Lahad Datu and N.51 Kunak. The reason of this failure is due to anti-BN social media that managed to give negative perceptions of the issues faced by the government, resulting in a change of attitude in people, especially young voters in channels 3, 4 and 5.

Belia merupakan kumpulan penting kepada kelangsungan politik Malaysia. Peningkatan jumlah kumpulan belia yang mewakili hampir separuh populasi pengundi berdaftar di Malaysia menjadikan kumpulan ini penting kepada negara kerana mereka mampu menentukan keputusan pilihan raya. Hakikatnya, kumpulan anak muda ini sangat sensitif kepada perubahan yang berlaku di persekitaran mereka dan sangat kritikal kepada dasar-dasar kerajaan yang tidak memberikan keuntungan kepada mereka. Oleh itu, berdasarkan kajian tentang peranan belia dalam Pilihan raya Umum ke-14 (PRU) di Parlimen Silam (P.188) mendapati bahawa protes belia di Parlimen Silam dan tiga kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) (N.51 Kunak, N.50 Lahad Datu dan N.49 Tungku) di bawah Parlimen ini adalah disebabkan oleh kegagalan kerajaan terdahulu, iaitu Barisan Nasional (BN) dalam melaksanakan dasar dan program yang bermanfaat dan memberi keuntungan kepada belia. Protes ini diterjemahkan dalam bentuk undi ke atas Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS). Menyedari akan kepentingan belia kepada kelangsungan parti pemerintah, maka artikel ini menghujahkan bahawa parti pemerintah di peringkat nasional dan negeri pada hari ini perlu memberikan perhatian yang lebih serius ke atas isu keterpinggiran belia. Oleh itu, beberapa usaha mendekati belia perlu dilakukan secara konsisten dan ia bukan hanya menjadi rutin apabila tibanya musim pilihan raya.
AbstractThe youths are an essential group of voters in Malaysian politics. With the rising number of youths, representing almost half of registered voters in Malaysia, their roles are pertinent as they were able to determine the result of the election. This is because these groups of young peoples are susceptible to the changes that are taking place in their surroundings and they are also very critical of the government's policies that may not serve their interests. Based on the study carried out on the role of youth during the 14th General Election (GE-14) in the Parliament (P.188) Silam and three other state seats (N. 51 Kunak, N. 50 Lahad Datu and N. 49 Tungku), it was found that the protest among youths in these Parliament constituents was due to the failure of the previous government, Barisan Nasional (BN) in implementing policies and programs that benefitted the youths. They translated their protests in the form of casting their votes to choose the opposition party, i.e. Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS) to come into power. Recognizing the importance of the youths in determining the survival of the ruling party, this article concludes that the current government at the state and national level needs to give serious attention to the issue of the marginalisation among the youths. Therefore, more efforts should be undertaken to reach out and to engage the youths on a regular basis as opposed to the previous practices of only approaching them before and during election season.

Belia merupakan kumpulan penting kepada kelangsungan politik Malaysia. Peningkatan jumlah kumpulan belia yang mewakili hampir separuh populasi pengundi berdaftar di Malaysia menjadikan kumpulan ini penting kepada negara kerana mereka mampu menentukan keputusan pilihan raya. Hakikatnya, kumpulan anak muda ini sangat sensitif kepada perubahan yang berlaku di persekitaran mereka dan sangat kritikal kepada dasar-dasar kerajaan yang tidak memberikan keuntungan kepada mereka. Oleh itu, berdasarkan kajian tentang peranan belia dalam Pilihan raya Umum ke-14 (PRU) di Parlimen Silam (P.188) mendapati bahawa protes belia di Parlimen Silam dan tiga kerusi Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) (N.51 Kunak, N.50 Lahad Datu dan N.49 Tungku) di bawah Parlimen ini adalah disebabkan oleh kegagalan kerajaan terdahulu, iaitu Barisan Nasional (BN) dalam melaksanakan dasar dan program yang bermanfaat dan memberi keuntungan kepada belia. Protes ini diterjemahkan dalam bentuk undi ke atas Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS). Menyedari akan kepentingan belia kepada kelangsungan parti pemerintah, maka artikel ini menghujahkan bahawa parti pemerintah di peringkat nasional dan negeri pada hari ini perlu memberikan perhatian yang lebih serius ke atas isu keterpinggiran belia. Oleh itu, beberapa usaha mendekati belia perlu dilakukan secara konsisten dan ia bukan hanya menjadi rutin apabila tibanya musim pilihan raya. AbstractThe youths are an essential group of voters in Malaysian politics. With the rising number of youths, representing almost half of registered voters in Malaysia, their roles are pertinent as they were able to determine the result of the election. This is because these groups of young peoples are susceptible to the changes that are taking place in their surroundings and they are also very critical of the government's policies that may not serve their interests. Based on the study carried out on the role of youth during the 14th General Election (GE-14) in the Parliament (P.188) Silam and three other state seats (N. 51 Kunak, N. 50 Lahad Datu and N. 49 Tungku), it was found that the protest among youths in these Parliament constituents was due to the failure of the previous government, Barisan Nasional (BN) in implementing policies and programs that benefitted the youths. They translated their protests in the form of casting their votes to choose the opposition party, i.e. Parti Warisan Sabah (PWS) to come into power. Recognizing the importance of the youths in determining the survival of the ruling party, this article concludes that the current government at the state and national level needs to give serious attention to the issue of the marginalisation among the youths. Therefore, more efforts should be undertaken to reach out and to engage the youths on a regular basis as opposed to the previous practices of only approaching them before and during election season.