Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Endorsements -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of boxes -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1. Where is Europe anyway? -- 2. From industrial society to the knowledge-based economy -- 3. European capitalisms -- 4. Economic inequality and the welfare state -- 5. Money, markets and wealth -- 6. Occupations and social classes -- 7. Gender and socio-economic inequality -- 8. Spatial inequality: Europe of the regions -- 9. Mobility from/to/within Europe -- 10. Ethnic diversity and the national welfare state -- 11. Conclusion: the end of the European social model before it began? -- Index.

Abstract
This paper explores how the years after World War II in Western Europe were an extreme case of working-class power. An initial theoretical discussion claims that while class can best be understood as a social category, at the same time politics in the broadest sense—and hence class-based movements—can shape social structure. This was the case in the in the post-World War II period when the working class dominated West European societies: especially perhaps in Britain, the "weight" of the working class shaped the nation. Trade union organization and state power ensured collective rights and were the basis for autonomous consumption; class identity was a source of pride. The end of this period saw trade union density continuing to increase. In the USA as well as in Western Europe, the power of management in the workplace was challenged. Especially in Western Europe, there was widespread radicalization of working-class youth. This was the last offensive of the working-class movement. However, power in the workplace remained essentially a veto-power. In the USA, oppositional politics became ethnic politics and even before de-industrialisation the white working class began to abandon its traditional politics. Nonetheless, in Western Europe the long shadow of the working-class movement ensured the partial survival of social rights long after the traditional social basis of the movement had withered away.

Der Beitrag beginnt mit einer Beschreibung der Blase auf dem Arbeitsmarkt in den letzten Lebensjahren des keltischen Tigers und des plötzlichen Zusammenbruchs dieses Markts (Abschnitt 2). Abschnitt 3 zeigt auf, wie vier Kernaspekte des irischen Modells das Abrutschen in die Krise vorbereitet haben: die Veto macht der ausländischen Direktinvestitionen (FDI), die Finanzialisierung des Alltagslebens, die zentrale Bedeutung des Bankensektors und nicht zuletzt die Sozialpartnerschaft. Der Beitrag endet mit der Darstellung der paradoxen Erfahrung, dass das Land, in dem die Auswirkungen der Krise im Vergleich am größten sind, am wenigsten von dieser Erfahrung gelernt zu haben scheint. (ICB2)

PUBLISHED ; Probably the most important aspect of contemporary European societies for ordinary Europeans is that Europeans live in welfare states. This is often referred to as the 'European Social Model'. In the 2000s this was especially clear to commentators who compared the 'European Way' or the 'European Dream' with the USA with its minimal social rights and widening inequalities. The paper argues that this is a function not of the European Union but of the individual nation states that make up the EU. Many elements of EU policy have undermined the European Social Model rather than consolidating it. Not surprisingly, ordinary Europeans are increasingly disenchanted with the EU. ; Dublin

Europe needs to create more jobs but, at the same time, it strives to preserve its social values and its commitment to social protection. This paper explores the thinking behind the European Commission's strategy, as set out in the Green Paper on Partnership for a New Organisation of Work, to protect and develop this social model while, at the same time, promoting workplace flexibility. It uses the EPOC survey results to examine the connections, if any, between organisational flexibility, innovation and employment. To establish the extent of innovation in European workplaces the paper draws on the survey to evaluate the link between participation and innovation and, finally, the relationship between participation, innovation and growth in employment. This analysis of the EPOC data shows that these relationships are, in reality, very complicated and an attempt is made to explain these complexities.

Europa braucht mehr Arbeitsplätze, aber gleichzeitig muß es auch seine sozialen Werte hochhalten und die sozialen Schutzsysteme bewahren. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Strategie der Europäischen Kommission, wie sie im Grünbuch für eine neue Arbeitsorganisation im Geiste der Partnerschaft beschrieben ist, um das europäische Sozialmodell zu schützen und weiterzuentwickeln und gleichzeitig eine höhere Arbeitsplatzflexibilität zu ermöglichen. Ausgangspunkt ist die EPOC-Studie, mit deren Hilfe untersucht werden sollte, ob Verbindungen zwischen Flexibilität, Innovation und Beschäftigung existieren. Dabei geht es zunächst um die Beziehung zwischen Partizipation und Innovation und später um das Verhältnis von Mitbestimmung, Innovation und Beschäftigungswachstum. Diese Verhältnisse erweisen sich, wie die EPOC-Studie zeigt, als sehr kompliziert. Die Studie ist ein Versuch, diese Komplexität zu erhellen. (Transfer / FUB)