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Es wird in die soziologische Theorie und Methode von A. Weber eingeführt. Im Rahmen einer Aktualisierung Weberscher Grundgedanken werden folgende Thesen begründet und belegt: (1) Die Kultursoziologie Webers findet in der publizistischen Praxis nur beschränkte und bedingte Anwendung. (2) Eine Position, die im Bereich der Zivilisation Fortschritte in der Geschichte anerkennt, in der Kultur aber ablehnt, kann in der Kultursoziologie oft nur indirekt angewandt werden. (3) Webers Kultur- und Geschichtstheorie ermöglicht eine Relativierung und Differenzierung gegenüber pauschalen und universalistischen Ansätzen. (4) Mit der ganzheitlichen Betrachtungsweise Webers kann sich die Soziologie vor der Gefahr wappnen, einzelne gesellschaftliche Sphären oder Entwicklungen überzubewerten und aus ihnen Verallgemeinerungen abzuleiten. (5) Die kultursoziologische Methode kann vorwiegend in der Zeit- oder der Raumdimension angewandt werden; sie erweitert den gesellschaftstheoretischen Blick. (6) Jede Gesellschaft hat einen bestimmten Stand der Gesellschafts- und Kulturentwicklung im Kontext ihrer Dynamik und Genese erreicht, den man bei der Analyse zu berücksichtigen hat. (7) Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschungsergebnisse sind nicht naturwissenschaftlich zu generalisieren; sie gelten für kulturelle und gesellschaftliche Regionen bzw. Teilbereiche. (HA)

"The Fourth Ordeal is a history of the Muslim Brotherhood from the late 1960s to 2018. It provides an inside account of the Brotherhood's internal organizational evolution since its 'second founding' in the seventies, tracing the story to the Egyptian uprising of 2011 and the Brotherhood's short-lived experience with power, and on to its gradual fragmentation in the post-2013 period. Tracing the personal life stories of key Brotherhood leaders, the story puts the spotlight on the group's growing internal conflicts over authority and leadership, which it argues were rooted in different cultures and value systems, and which ultimately heralded the demise of the Brotherhood in the post-2013 period. Based on over 140 Oral History interviews with current and former Brotherhood members, a wide reading of original written sources, as well as the eyewitness accounts of the author who conducted his fieldwork in Egypt in 2012 and 2013, the book provides a new understanding to the question of why the Brotherhood's experiment with power had failed"--

The Fourth Ordeal tells the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from the late 1960s until 2018. Based on over 140 first-hand interviews with leaders, rank-and-file members and dissidents, as well as a wide range of original written sources, the story traces the Brotherhood's re-emergence and rise following the collapse of Nasser's Arab nationalism, all the way to its short-lived experiment with power and the subsequent period of imprisonment, persecution and exile. Unique in terms of its source base, this book provides readers with unprecedented insight into the Brotherhood's internal politics during fifty years of its history.

The removal of Mohammed Morsi from the presidency by the Egyptian army on July 3, 2013 led to a number of significant structural transformations within Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood (MB). The security crackdown that has taken place since, including the imprisonment of thousands of leaders and mid-level MB cadres, makes it nearly impossible for any central leadership to control the movement's lower ranks. At the same time, the radicalization of the Islamist scene following Morsi's ouster has affected at least parts of the MB's support base. While the argument that MB members are joining violent extremist groups in large numbers frequently serves political purposes, radicalization among the MB's ranks is in fact a real concern. The recruitment potential of MB members to ISIS-affiliated groups, such as the Sinai-based organization Wilayat Sinai, was exemplified in a recent video, where an ISIS commander urged MB members to "use the experience they gained from ousting the previous regime of Hosni Mubarak to topple Sisi's regime." It also indicates that a sizable number of MB rank-and-file members are frustrated with their leaders' reluctance to advocate a more aggressive stance against the regime, despite widespread human rights violations. Given the complexity of the situation in Egypt, this report has a threefold objective: first, to provide an overview of the current state of Egypt's national scene in general, and the MB in particular; second, to outline three scenarios for how the MB - as a still central, although vastly diminished, player within Egypt's broader national scene - may evolve in the short to medium term; and finally, to recommend measures that may guide the thinking of German policymakers and support them as they stay abreast of the highly dynamic political situation in Egypt.