The issue of Christian Work Ministries (CWM) in Poland during the communist regime have so far been hardly explored. Empirical data collected in Archive of Institute of National Remembrance were analyzed, to show the perspective on CWM from Security Services (SB) point of view. In their eyes CWM were dangerous and threat for security of state and communism in Poland. The hypothesis of the survey was the assumption that SB saw CWM and its activists as a source of threat for the state and were state-phobic. Auxiliary hypothesis was assumption that CWM was a shelter for former members of "Solidarity" and as a members of CWM they continued their activism, to a limited extent, known from "Solidarity".
The Inquisitives as a New Social Movement: Political Aspects of Public Information Law Access in New Zealand
In this paper the Author analyzes new social movement labeled the "Inquisitives". It apparently has its roots in political thought and in philosophy of "the right to know". New Zealand adopted the Official Information Act in 1980 to give citizensthe formal right to inquire about the public affairs. As society has evolved under constant technological pressure so has evolved the way in which people get information. The information society strives for information about political issues, and about political‑public affairs. The Author of this paper suggests that a new social movement has been operating globally, considering the particular case of the Inquisitives movement in New Zealand. The paper aims to explore its genesis, background, roles, functions, political values, motives and goals.
The Inquisitives as a New Social Movement: Political Aspects of Exercising the Right for the Access to Information in Poland In this paper, the author analyzes the new social movement labeled "The Inquisitives". It apparently has its roots in political thought and in philosophy of "the right to know". Poland adopted the Act on Access to Public Information (2001) to give citizens the formal right to inquire about the public affairs. The information society strives for information about political issues, and about political-public affairs. The author of this paper has stated two hypothesis that (1) a new social movement – the Inquisitives has been occurring in Poland and (2) access to public information has been used for political struggle. The author aims to explore aims, genesis, background, roles, functions, and political values of The Inquisitives within categories such as political scandals, corruption, interest groups, power concentration.
Access to public information in Poland is most typically discussed in the legal and political contexts. However, it is not consciously discussed as a possibility for political scholars to exercise their right of access to public information. This paper, which is of postulatory nature, identifies the benefits for those political scholars who decide to use, in the process of data collection, their right of access to public information as a data collection technique. The proposed technic of data collection may be used by scholars – political scientists around the world.
In this article an author highlighted political attitudes towards martial low introduction in Poland (1981) among Poles in New Zealand and New Zealanders. The course of the research has revealed the following phenomena accompanying the political attitudes in New Zealand in times of martial law in Poland: worker's unions showed dichotomy toward "Solidarity" movement; anticommunism of New Zealand government; political conflict in the circles of polish political emigration; high ability of Poles abroad to political mobilization. The conducted research allowed to positively verify the hypothesis, being an assumption that Poles as well as New Zealanders showed anticommunism attitudes in the time of martial law introduction in Poland, and New Zealand society support Poles in New Zealand in theirs anticommunism and disagreement for communism regime and dismantling of democratic opposition centered around "Solidarity".
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
Chojnice's June '89. The local study of the shockwave process of democratization In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connec-ted with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has beenno empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliamentof People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoralconstituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate wereconducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constitu-ency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in BydgoszczProvince. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tendto be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and pheno-mena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in localconditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constitu-encies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local con-stituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based onprimary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorismto describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems;political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that politicalcompetition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington'stheory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitativeperspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatoryone. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is aboutlocal politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refersto the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to:continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carni- val of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989;political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; politicalwill of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the politicalsystem; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual natureof facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reali-ty; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections inChojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behaviorin Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural andethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots ontheir political choices.Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlightsnot only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergenceon local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fightbetween candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of PolishUnited Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, authorstresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members ofPUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles inthe northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election.The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary,bibliography, index and appendix.The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989.The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elec-tions to the Sejm and the Senate.The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local com-munists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change.The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence fromboth sides of the political conflict.The fifthh chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm andthe Senate.The sixth chapter shows election campaign.The seventh one shows election results.The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens inChojnice constituency.In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Choj-nice town, and Chojnice country.As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged aer empi-rical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People'sRepublic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power andauthority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selectedas democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudesin Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and thetradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest su-pport for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groupscalled Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy. ; Monografia powstała ona w wyniku analizy procesu wyborczego tzw. przełomu politycznego związanego z wyborami czerwcowymi 1989 r. Jest to studium zdarzeń i zjawisk z tamtego okresu, z okręgu wyborczego nr 14 Chojnice, który to okręg do Sejmu PRL obejmował w wyborach kontaktowych całą północną część województwa bydgoskiego i był jednym ze 108 takich okręgów w Polsce. W książce przedstawiono zarówno genezę decyzji politycznych stojących za wyborem przedterminowych wyborów w 1989 r. przez reżim komunistyczny, jak i między innymi proces wyłaniania liderów na listy wyborcze. Zaprezentowano postawy polityczne, kontekst społeczno-polityczny, stanowisko lokalnych struktur Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i jej działaczy wobec perspektywy głębokich przemian politycznych, które zapowiadały wybory czerwcowe, jak i też zaprezentowano reakcje powyborcze chojnickich komunistów. Dokonano także analizy porównawczej, według podstawowej jednostki jaką była gmina, ukazując zróżnicowanie postaw również w odniesieniu do przynależności etnograficznej wyborców w okręgu wyborczym nr 14. Analizie poddano także wybory do Senatu, koncentrując się na przebiegu kampanii, kandydatach oraz wynikach z terenu północnej części województwa bydgoskiego. Całość studium jest wynikiem analizy materiałów źródłowych - tj. dokumentów Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, Rady Państwa oraz Komitetu Miejskiego PZPR w Chojnicach i Komitetu Gminnego PZPR w Chojnicach oraz relacji i wspomnień.
Poles in New Zealand have been living there since XIX century. During that time Poland has fallen into Soviet Empire as its political satellite. It is well known that emigrant groups ofPoles were invigilated by polish – communist special forces around the World (mainly in West countries). There was a lack of evidences in available literature if Poles in New Zealand or from New Zealand were under P eople's Republic of Poland scrutiny. Hence question has arisen in what way Poles and New Zealand were under polish – communist special forces scrutiny and if so how did it affect the life of Poles in New Zealand at all? After a broad search query conducted in archives (located in Poland and in the United Kingdom) and literature the hypothesis was posed that polish – communist special security forces were unable to impact the socio – political life of Poles in New Zealand. This assumption was tested out of evidences written in primary sourcesReceived answers may lay a basis for further examinations on the role of polish – communist special forces in live of Poles abroad. Moreover results of this research may be useful in comparative studies for those interested about People Republic of Poland's special forces activity toward polish emigrants in different countries at that time. ; Marcin Wałdoch
Abstract Encountering the Pacific in the Age of Enlightenment, John Gascoigne (2014) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 574 pp., ISBN 978 0 5218 7959 0 (hbk), £84.99 Pacific Worlds: A History of Seas, Peoples, and Cultures, Matt Matsuda (2012) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 450 pp., ISBN 978 0 5217 1566 9 (pbk), £19.99 The Great Ocean: Pacific Worlds from Cook to the Gold Rush, David Igler (2013) Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 272 pp., ISBN 978 0 1999 1495 1 (hbk), US$31.95 The Black Pacific: Anti-Colonial Struggles and Oceanic Connections, Robbie Shilliam (2015) London: Bloomsbury Academic, 264 pp., ISBN 978 1 4725 3554 2 (pbk), £19.99 Matters of the Heart: A History of Interracial Marriage in New Zealand, Angela Wanhalla (2013) Auckland: Auckland University Press, 316 pp., ISBN 978 1 8694 0731 5 (pbk), NZ$49.99 The Rise and Fall of National Women's Hospital: A History, Linda Bryder (2014) Auckland: Auckland University Press, 236 pp., ISBN 978 1 8694 0809 1 (pbk), NZ$49.99 A Rising Tide: Evangelical Christianity in New Zealand 1930–65, Stuart M. Lange (2013) Dunedin: Otago University Press, 300 pp., ISBN 978 1 8775 7855 7 (pbk), NZ$40 Maranga Mai! Te Reo and Marae in Crisis?, Merata Kawharu (ed.) (2014) Auckland: University of Auckland Press, 280 pp., ISBN 978 1 8694 0805 3 (pbk), NZ$45 Language Contact in the Early Colonial Pacific: Maritime Polynesian Pidgin Before Pidgin English, Emanuel J. Drechsel (2014) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 349 pp., ISBN 978 1 1070 1510 4 (hbk), £65 Climate Change, Forced Migration and International Law, Jane McAdam (2012) Oxford: Oxford University Press, 344 pp., ISBN 978 0 1996 8222 5 (pbk), £26.49 Securing Paradise: Tourism and Militarism in Hawai'i and the Philippines, Vernadette Vicuna Gonzalez (2013) Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 296 pp., ISBN 978 0 8223 5370 6 (pbk), US$24.95 Gender on the Edge: Transgender, Gay, and Other Pacific Islanders, Niko Besnier and Kalissa Alexeyeff (eds) (2014) Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 408 pp., ISBN 978 0 8248 3883 6 (pbk), US$35 Pacific Identities and Wellbeing: Cross Cultural Perspectives, Margaret Nelson Agee, Tracey McIntosh, Philip Culbertson and Cabrini 'Ofa Makasiale (eds) (2013) Dunedin: Otago University Press, 332 pp., ISBN 978 1 8775 7835 9 (pbk), NZ$45 Pacific Futures: Projects, Politics and Interests, Will Rollason (ed.) (2014) New York: Berghahn Books, 256 pp., ISBN 978 1 7823 8350 5 (hbk), US$95 Asians and the New Multiculturalism in Aotearoa New Zealand, Gautam Ghosh and Jacqueline Leckie (eds) (2015) Dunedin: Otago University Press, 312 pp., ISBN 978 1 8775 7823 6 (pbk), NZ$40 When the Farm Gates Opened: The Impact of Rogernomics on Rural New Zealand, Neal Wallace (2014) Dunedin: Otago University Press, 160 pp., ISBN 978 1 8775 7872 4 (pbk), NZ$40 Get Off the Grass: Kickstarting New Zealand's Innovation Economy, Shaun Hendy and Paul Callaghan (2013) Auckland: Auckland University Press, 248 pp., ISBN 978 1 8694 0762 9 (pbk), NZ$34.99 Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis, Max Rashbrooke (ed.) (2013) Wellington: Bridget Williams Books, 296 pp., ISBN 978 1 9271 3151 0 (pbk), NZ$39.99 A Search for Tradition & A Search for a Language, Douglas Lilburn (2011) Wellington: Lilburn Residence Trust, 112 pp., ISBN 978 0 4731 8379 0 (pbk), NZ$25 Kitchens: The New Zealand Kitchen in the 20th Century, Helen Leach (2014) Dunedin: Otago University Press, 320 pp., ISBN 978 1 8775 7837 3 (pbk), NZ$49.95
