Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Dedication Page -- Table of Contents -- List of tables and figures -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 The anatomy of a riot: the 'Battle of Trafalgar' -- 2 Disorderly demonstrations -- 3 The American urban riots -- 4 The British urban riots -- 5 Strike violence -- 6 Football hooliganism -- 7 The 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland -- 8 Media representations of public disorder -- 9 Contemporary policing and its democratic control -- 10 Conclusions -- Bibliography -- Index.

This book provides an understanding of the causes and management of public disorder. It seeks to describe and explain the processes by which the police interpret and respond to instances of public disorder, to account for variations in their strategies and tactics, and to identify the conditions in which police interventions (or inaction) may serve to enhance or reduce the potential for wider confrontation. It will be essential reading for anyone with an interest in policing, crowd behaviour and issues around public order and disorder.

This article focuses on the recent academic assertion that police attempts to engage in dialogue before and during protest events (ostensibly to facilitate the participants' preferred means of political expression) are perhaps more realistically concerned with collecting useful intelligence about demonstrators' likely motives and activities, and preparing advance justification for possible police interventions. A case study is presented of the work carried out by a 15-person South Yorkshire Police 'Police Liaison Team' (PLT) in relation to the 'anti-Lib Dem' political protest occurring in the major English city of Sheffield in March 2011. Using a combination of participant observation and interviews with police and demonstrators, the study highlights compelling similarities between the tactical approach and underlying objectives of the PLT and those subscribed to by public order specialists in the Metropolitan Police Service in the early 1990s. In common with their 'Met' counterparts, the PLT used carefully cultivated exchange relationships with protest organisers as means of gathering intelligence, securing compliance with police preferences for the routes of marches and establishing parameters of 'acceptable' behaviour. However, by using the relatively new tactic of immersing themselves in the crowd, PLT members were also able to maintain 'open' lines of communication with protesters and provide a stream of unerringly accurate 'dynamic risk assessments' to remote senior commanders. This tactic helped to ensure that there were few unsettling 'surprises' on both sides, that there were no unnecessary, indiscriminate or over-punitive police interventions, and that the police operation was ultimately regarded by protest organisers as having been exceptionally tolerant and 'facilitating'.

AbstractThis article responds to a recent suggestion by Borch (2006) that sociologists might profitably reconsider the 'group mind' explanation, propagated by nineteenth‐century French academics like Tarde and Le Bon, which emphasises the inherent suggestibility, amorality, and destructiveness of crowds as mechanisms of accounting for collective violence. In alluding to the recent French riots of October–November 2005 as an illustrative example, the article rejects the group mind approach (along with a host of other lay explanations appearing in the wake of the disorders) in favour of a multivariate analysis, loosely based on the Flashpoints Model of Public Disorder. The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate how even the most intensely destructive, spontaneous and emotional acts of collective violence are typically underpinned by a guiding and restraining rationality.

This article comprises a longitudinal study of community activism and regeneration following pit closure in the small Nottinghamshire ex-mining village of Warsop Vale. Based on more than a hundred interviews carried out between 1998 and 2004, the article highlights the significance of 'new' solidarities and alliances between residents and external agencies in the gradual revitalisation of a community once teetering on the brink of extinction.

This article reports the findings of a longitudinal study of the impact of government coalfield regeneration policy on the Nottinghamshire ex-mining community of Warsop Vale, whose colliery closed in 1989. Based on interviews with local residents, community development workers and representatives of regeneration agencies, the study highlights tangible improvements in community resources and the recent introduction of an innovative new housing scheme as evidence of a positive impact of government measures. Particular importance is attached to the key role of local government, the voluntary sector and regeneration agencies in carefully cultivating the local social capital and raising Warsop Vale's political profile since 1989, enabling it to seize the opportunities inherent in New Labour's coalfield policy.

Cet article offre une analyse comparative des émeutes françaises de 2005 et de celles qui ont eu lieu en Angleterre en 2011 en mobilisant le flashpoints model of public disorder . Les auteurs identifient et étudient la signification d'un certain nombre de facteurs causaux sous-jacents à l'œuvre dans ces deux épisodes d'émeute, et abordent à la fois les causes de fond (de court et long terme) et l'évènement « déclencheur » qui a permis qu'une violence potentielle latente débouche sur une émeute. L'article fournit un cadre analytique pour une étude comparative de ces importants épisodes d'émeute, et démontre que ce modèle demeure pertinent et continue d'offrir un cadre conceptuel solide, au sein duquel l'anatomie du désordre collectif peut être disséquée et comprise.

Abstract: This article constitutes a response to the article by Fabien Jobard (in this issue) concerning the recent riots in France. It explores differences and commonalities between the events in France in 2005 and the urban disorders that occurred in England and Wales from the 1980s to 2001, placing the latter into three distinct categorical and temporal waves. Initially, it revisits the essence of Jobard's piece before providing an overview of the UK riots. It then analyses the overarching contexts of each of the three periods, and those of the French riots, as a basis for identifying the main causal similarities.

Much public order policing research attempts to, first, elucidate general trends of public order policing change and, secondly with respect to the policing of transnational summits in particular, focus on the deterministic effects of international and national priorities concerning the way they are policed. While the authors recognize the important contribution of such research towards an understanding of policing in this arena, in this article they put forward a crucial further dimension, namely the complementary need for a more nuanced understanding of the dynamic relationships involved in protest policing at the local level. To this end, this study not only draws from participant observation of a specific event, namely the policing of one round of G8 meetings between Justice and Home Affairs Ministers taking place in Sheffield, England, in June 2005, but also a wealth of interviews undertaken with city council officials, media representatives, police and protesters alike.