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Economic voting models predict a direct translation of "objective" economic conditions into voter's preferences. These models posit that declining micro- and macroeconomic circumstances will automatically lead to a vote against the incumbent government. The 2008 financial crisis provides a valuable opportunity to test the applicability of these theories. This paper argues that the framing of the crisis and the competency signals voters received during the 2008 US and the 2009 German campaigns mediate the link between economic perceptions and the vote intention.

Klinisches Risikomanagement (RM) mit Fehlerberichtssystemen wie CIRS (Critical Incident Reporting System) ist nicht erst seit der Verabschiedung des Patientenrechtegesetzes wichtig, es dient sowohl als Maßnahme zur Erhöhung der Patientensicherheit und Qualitätssicherung als auch zur Fehler- und Haftungsprävention. Die Studie ist eine Handlungsempfehlung für jeden, der sich mit klinischem RM befassen muss. In verständlicher Weise – auch für Nichtjuristen – werden die Rechtsgrundlagen und Pflichten für ein klinisches RM mit CIRS erläutert, welche Pflichtverletzungen eine Haftung begründen können und wem insoweit die Beweislast im Arzthaftungsprozess obliegt. Die Arbeit verfolgt das Ziel, den Zusammenhang zwischen RM und dem Organisationshaftungsrecht des Krankenhausträgers darzulegen. Anhand ausgewählter Organisationspflichten werden Organisationsstandards aufbereitet. Zudem wird eine haftungsrechtliche Bewertung von Empfehlungen und Organisationsinstrumenten, wie etwa Checklisten und clinical pathways, vorgenommen

AbstractDespite the new political leaderships, Catalonia has continued to be deadlocked since the failed independence movement. As the Catalan separatists' trials are underway, the paper tries to probe highly educated Spanish citizens' perception of the Catalan independence movement as well as their views on the role of the European Union's involvement in the crisis. We find that the pro‐unity Spaniards who did not desire an EU intervention were the least Eurosceptic while those who supported an independent Catalonia and demanded an EU crisis intervention displayed higher levels of Euroscepticism. We also discover that the sample displaying the highest level of Euroscepticism was composed of pro‐secessionist supporters who had a neutral stance on the EU's crisis involvement.

A growing literature in research on the European Union (EU) claims that European integration has become comprehensively politicized in the EU's population. The most convincing evidence for this assertion stems from research on political and societal elites - studies of party manifestos, interest groups' activities, news media reporting and the like. By contrast, evidence on politicization trends in the broader citizenry is much more ambiguous. This article raises the question of whether politicization is more than an elite phenomenon. Based on a differentiated conception of politicization, it analyzes focus groups conducted with EU citizens in four member states. It shows that, for most citizens, only the fundamentals of European integration have gained political saliency, while the EU's day-to-day activities remain largely non-politicized. In addition, patterns of politicization in the European population are conditioned by significant knowledge deficits. Adapted from the source document.

A growing literature in research on the European Union (EU) claims that European integration has become comprehensively politicized in the EU's population. The most convincing evidence for this assertion stems from research on political and societal elites — studies of party manifestos, interest groups' activities, news media reporting and the like. By contrast, evidence on politicization trends in the broader citizenry is much more ambiguous. This article raises the question of whether politicization is more than an elite phenomenon. Based on a differentiated conception of politicization, it analyzes focus groups conducted with EU citizens in four member states. It shows that, for most citizens, only the fundamentals of European integration have gained political saliency, while the EU's day-to-day activities remain largely non-politicized. In addition, patterns of politicization in the European population are conditioned by significant knowledge deficits.

The news media is a major forum for the discursive legitimation of the EU. This article analyses media debates in the context of three attempts at reforming EU primary law in the past decade: the Nice Treaty; the Constitutional Treaty; and the Lisbon Treaty. Focusing on four member states -- the United Kingdom, Ireland, Germany and Austria -- our study shows that the EU's legitimacy is discursively constructed according to distinct patterns, most of which are remarkably similar across countries and stable over time. In the context of the EU Constitution, legitimation debates became more intensive and more critical; however, these developments were largely reversed when the Lisbon Treaty was debated. This suggests that, in the media arena, the much-discussed politicization of European integration is an episodic occurrence, rather than a unidirectional trend. Adapted from the source document.