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"Combines quantitative data and extensive interviews to map emerging global science networks and trace the dynamics driving their growth. Argues that the shift from big science to global networks creates unprecedented opportunities for developing countries to tap science's potential. Offers a guidebook and playbook for policymakers confronting science's transformation"--Provided by publisher

Abstract
China's rapid rise and spectacular growth in science capacity reopens a discussion about the relationship between science and the nation-state. Literature suggests that science thrives within a democratic system and that scientific activities tend to have a liberalizing effect on governments. Neither of these phenomena appears evident in China's case. Three policies, present in the earliest days of the growth of modern science, ones in common with other nations, factor into China's science policy: (1) policies enabling protection of intellectual property, (2) encouraging mobility and skills development, and (3) government procurement of science and technology, especially through military purchases. Using Graham's interactionist model, I suggest that policies instituted by the state-created conditions for emergence of modern science.

Abstract
China's government uses a variety of diplomatic tools to pursue its foreign policy aims including negotiating and signing formal bilateral science and technology agreements (STAs). These agreements have been signed with at least fifty-two countries. We identified agreements with an additional sixty-four countries with science and technology (S&T), among other topics such as education, as subjects for cooperation. The Ministry of Science and Technology reports having signed 115 intergovernmental science and technology agreements (STAs) and established ties with 161 countries and regions, although we were not able to identify all these agreements. The earliest of China's STAs were signed in the 1950s with communist countries, but, in the late 1970s, China began signing agreements with scientifically-advanced nations, which opened opportunities for S&T cooperation. More recently, China has negotiated and signed scientific and technological cooperation agreements with dozens of middle- and lower-income countries, possibly to establish political goodwill. While building political ties clearly remains an important Chinese objective, access to the latest know-how in S&T has become a critical part of China's priorities in establishing formal relationships.

In this paper, we chronicle key US legislative initiatives during the post–World War II history of public policy related to the ownership of publicly funded research-based knowledge. Our motivation for recording this history is the observation that many scholars, who are appropriately concerned about taxpayer rights, have argued for the need for public policy to clarify ownership of the publicness or openness of publicly funded research results when in fact such public policies have long been in place. We conclude this historical trace with the proposition that if the past is prologue to the future, one might expect future administrations to continue to acknowledge the importance of public access to findings from publicly funded research, be that research having occurred in federal laboratories, universities, or private-sector organizations.

Scientific research is becoming increasingly more globalized and morecollaborative. At the same time, there is growing pressure within the United States to justify government funding for science and technology (S&T). The potential conflict between these developments raises questions of whether U