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Remaking Community addresses the interlinking uses of community in government rhetoric and policy. It explores why the concept of communities has become so central to the New Labour governing project that aspires to broker a new form of citizenship based on reciprocity and individual responsibility. Andrew Wallace identifies and discusses how this social vision has manifested in a 'politics of membership' and influenced New Labour's distinctive welfare reform agenda.

Neo-artisanal production is a growing milieu of contemporary urban cultural economy. This article positions one area of this neo-artisanship – 'craft' beer brewing – as pivotal to this urban milieu. It draws on 25 qualitative interviews with craft brewers and brewery owners in London and critically unpacks how the 'crafting' of beer involves entanglements with and alterations of social and material space. The article offers accounts of London craft brewery owners' creative and commercial dispositions and the spatial and aesthetic patterns emerging out of London's craft beer boom and troubles the weaving of craft brewing by policymakers and real estate developers into restructuring and place-making agendas. The article suggests that the 'authentication' of livelihoods, tastes and places through the tactile promise of 'craft' cannot be decoupled from patterns of socio-spatial stratification and growing precarity and casts doubt upon any 'creative' urban economy shifting in this direction.

This paper argues that sociological engagement with the 2011 summer unrest in England has thus far overlooked an important aspect of the 'rioting': the troubling by 'rioters' of the communitarian publics and moral geographies which constitute marginalised city-space. In response to this knowledge gap, this paper seeks to argue that the unrest was transgressive of governance logics which construct inner city 'communities' as spatialised units housing ethno-class legacies and sociations; environments in which remoralised urban citizenships are increasingly being located by policymakers and urban managers. A key goal of the paper is to briefly unpack and situate these projects within repertoires of urban management within the neoliberal city. Another goal is to reflect on media and policy responses to the 'riots' to illustrate the existence and reinforcement of these projects, evinced by the popular construction of 'rioting' as contravening ordered community practice. By mapping the representation and vectoring of community within these narratives either as a fallen or resurgent entity, the paper contends that they provide important insights into the contested socio-moral management strategies increasingly brought to bear on the urban poor. The paper also considers foregrounding such urban strategies as context to be crucial for a sociological framing of the unrest and the repudiation of depoliticised victim-blaming accounts. The paper also briefly reflects on the periodised, networked and disparate practices of the 'riots' to stress the dangers of boxing unrest, or indeed rest, within narrow spatial or behavioural boundaries or essentialised causal categories. Amongst other things, the diffuseness and multi-scalar nature of the 'riots' revealed the deficiency of this normative reading of the registers of urban citizenship. In this sense, the paper suggests that some academic commentary on the 'riots' has been in danger of reinforcing the same localised and residualised cartographies of citizenship generated by communitarian governance strategies at a time when sociologists should be exposing and resisting such articulations. In developing this discussion therefore, the paper seeks to challenge the formulations and boundaries of 'community' as conceptualised by urban governance strategies driving the functional reproduction of neoliberal marginalities.

AbstractThe article asserts that a model of 'community' was used by the UK's New Labour government as a normative rationale for the regeneration and governance of designated urban spaces. The goal of this article is to offer a critical examination of the basis and application of this rationale, arguing that it inscribed aspects of social and urban policy with an anaemic meaning of 'community' which foreclosed the multiplicities, tensions and differences of the local. In particular, the article will argue that in seeking to empower 'cohesive' and 'sustainable' communities, policy circumscribed local voices and obscured the complex interplay that constitutes local life worlds. It will offer a grounded three‐part critical review of the depoliticized account of 'community' propagated by New Labour and argue for a more nuanced analysis of the neighbourhood as an unstable field of social exchange that problematizes attempts at 'empowerment' and neighbourhood management.Résumé Le gouvernement du New Labour britannique s'est servi d'un modèle de 'communauté' comme logique normative pour la régénération et la gouvernance d'espaces urbains définis. Offrant un examen critique du fondement et de l'application de cette logique, l'article avance que celle‐ci a marqué certains aspects des politiques publiques sociales et urbaines d'une signification anémique de la 'communauté' qui exclut les multiplicités, tensions et différences propres au local. En visant une autonomie de communautés 'homogènes' et 'pérennes', l'action publique a notamment limité les prises de parole locales et embrouillé les interactions complexes qui constituent les univers de la vie locale. L'article propose une étude critique motivée en trois parties du récit dépolitisé de la 'communauté' diffusé par le New Labour. De plus, il défend une analyse plus nuancée du quartier en tant que champ instable d'échange social, qui met en question les tentatives de gestion des quartiers et d'autonomisation par empowerment.

This paper explores New Labour's desire to refurbish the physical and social fabric of excluded neighbourhoods through its New Deal for Communities (NDC) programme. It begins by examining three key concepts that embody and underpin this policy intervention – community, agency and exclusion and proceeds by contrasting these conceptual dimensions with a set of discordant, intra-neighbourhood processes of conflict, contestation and division, identified by recently conducted fieldwork in an NDC area. I argue that such processes produce a complex social terrain that is inhabited by social agents with a diverse range of needs, values and experiences, before discussing how this challenges and de-stabilises NDC's aspiration to 'promote' community, change individual behaviour and tackle exclusion effectively. The paper concludes by questioning whether New Labour's desire to implement a 'community' project, shaped by theoretical precepts, constrains NDC's ability to deliver lasting change to excluded areas.

Abstract
Here, we introduce a series of concepts and debates that provide a meta-context for the papers on the topic of working-class heritage and the city that follow. We propose Henri Lefebvre's seminal work on the dissolution of the city as a theoretical framing device via brief detours through notions of museification, authenticity and 'communicity'. The fundamental problematic, as we see it, is that urban working-class heritage is symptomatic of the dissolution of the industrial city and an attempt – conditioned by economic, social, cultural and political imperatives – to reimagine and/or reconfigure the legacies of this city. While we agree that heritage is an active process – it is selected, curated, narrated and interpreted, or 'decoded' by individuals and social groups in a reflexive manner – we also suggest, on the evidence of the papers collected here, that working-class heritage delivers an ambivalent experience and response.

BACKGROUND: The British National Health Service has undergone significant restructuring in recent years. In England this has taken a distinctive direction where the New Labour Government has embraced and intensified the influence of market principles towards its vision of a 'modernized' NHS. This has entailed the introduction of competition and incentives for providers of NHS care and the expansion of choice for patients. OBJECTIVES: To explore how users of the NHS perceive and respond to the market reforms being implemented within the NHS. In addition, to examine the normative values held by NHS users in relation to welfare provision in the UK. DESIGN AND SETTING: Qualitative interviews using a quota sample of 48 recent NHS users in South East England recruited from three local health economies. RESULTS: Some NHS users are exhibiting an ambivalent or anxious response to aspects of market reform such as patient choice, the use of targets and markets and the increasing presence of the private sector within the state healthcare sector. This has resulted in a sense that current reforms, are distracting or preventing NHS staff from delivering quality of care and fail to embody the relationships of care that are felt to sustain the NHS as a progressive public institution. CONCLUSION: The best way of delivering such values for patients is perceived to involve empowering frontline staffs who are deemed to embody the same values as service users, thus problematizing the current assumptions of reform frameworks that market-style incentives will necessarily gain public consent and support.

Background The British National Health Service has undergone significant restructuring in recent years. In England this has taken a distinctive direction where the New Labour Government has embraced and intensified the influence of market principles towards its vision of a 'modernized' NHS. This has entailed the introduction of competition and incentives for providers of NHS care and the expansion of choice for patients.

Young adulthood is a time of transition which poses particular challenges for youth who are homeless or at risk of homelessness, including those exiting foster care. The instability of being homeless puts youth at greater risk of many poor outcomes. Connection to relevant housing resources and services are critical to ensure that young adults have the opportunity to succeed. Better aligning youths' needs with relevant housing resources can help young adults become and remain stably housed, leading to better lifetime outcomes. This study presents a typology of young adults who exit foster care and residential programs for homeless young adults, including emergency shelters and transitional living programs. The study uses administrative data to follow a cohort of 8,795 young adults, including young parents and unaccompanied young adults from ages 18 through 21, who exited foster care or homeless services. Using sequence analysis, subsequent service use after exit, including utilization of homeless services, hospitals, jail, subsidized housing, and supportive housing, was used to build three-year trajectories of service use patterns of youth. These patterns were then grouped together based on similarity using cluster analysis to form six distinct groups of youth: (1) Minimal Service Use, (2) Later Homeless Experience, (3) Earlier Homeless Experience, (4) Consistent Subsidized Housing, (5) Consistent Supportive Housing, and (6) Frequent Jail Stays. Profiles were developed for each typology to comprehensively, but concisely, describe differences in the characteristics of each group of youth. Models were also developed to determine factors that were predictive of each typology. This typology is being used to inform prioritization processes for housing resources and to better understand how to target programs based on potential pathways of youth.