THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY NEEDS TO DEFINE ITS ATTITUDE ON CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY, ITS ROLE IN THE MEDITERRANEAN AND THE CONTRIBUTION ITS RICHER MEMBERS ARE PREPARED TO PAY FOR THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF POORER ENTRANTS BEFORE IT STARTS ON THE ROAD TO FURTHER EXPANSION.
PLANS FOR ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION HAVE LARGELY SIDESTEPPED THE ISSUE OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE REQUIRED FOR THEIR IMPLEMENTATION. FAILURE TO MAKE PROGRESS WITH THE REALIZATION OF THE PLANS OF 1969-70 HAS BEEN VARIOUSLY BLAMED ON INTERNATIONAL MONETARY DISORDER, ON THE "IMPRACTICALITY" OF THE PROPOSALS, ON THE LACK OF FIRM COMMITMENT BY MEMBER GOVERNMENTS.
In order for a corporation's activities & conduct to be what its top management wants, there must be adequate internal corporate controls to assure that management knows what is, in fact, going on & that manag's instructions are being carried out. The antitrust electrical cases, the heavy losses suffered by General Dynamics through its Convair division, & Chrysler's troubles over conflict of interests among its executives are illustrations which point out the failure of internal systems of control. In each case, top management did not have the benefit of adequate internal controls so that it could prevent illegal or improper or unfortunate events from occurring, to the detriment of the corporation. These instances suggest the timeliness of an inquiry into the adequacy of internal corporate controls in the large US corporations in order to ascertain what really is `the corporation.' AA.
IN EUROPE, THE NARRATIVES OF NATIONAL HISTORY FROM WHICH INTEGRATING NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS FORGED SHARED LOYALTIES AND IDENTITIES A CENTURY AGO ARE DISINTEGRATING. YET NO COHERENT EUROPEAN NARRATIVE IS EMERGING, SUFFICIENT TO GENERATE A LEGITIMIZING COMMUNITY OF SHARED IDENTITY AT THIS NEW, DIFFUSE, LEVEL OF GOVERNANCE. GOVERNMENTS HAVE ATTEMPTED TO MAINTAIN NATIONAL WELFARE, NATIONAL SYMBOLS, AND NATIONAL INTERPRETATIONS OF STATEHOOD AND SOVEREIGNTY, WHILE TRANSFERRING AN INCREASING PROPORTION OF POLICY-MAKING TO THE INTRICATE NETWORK OF COUNCILS AND COMMITTEES WHICH MANAGE THEIR SHARED SOVEREIGNTY. THE CENTRAL PARADOX OF THE EUROPEAN POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE 1990S IS THAT GOVERNANCE IS BECOMING INCREASINGLY A MULTI-LEVEL, INTRICATELY INSTITUTIONALIZED ACTIVITY, WHILE REPRESENTATION, LOYALTY AND IDENTITY REMAIN STUBBORNLY ROOTED IN THE TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE NATION STATE. MUCH OF THE SUBSTANCE OF EUROPEAN STATE SOVEREIGNTY HAS NOW FALLEN AWAY; THE SYMBOLS, THE SENSE OF NATIONAL SOLIDARITY, THE FOCUS FOR POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY, NEVERTHELESS REMAIN.
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL ORDER SINCE 1989 HAS FUNDAMENTALLY ALTERED THE CONTEXT FOR CONDUCTING BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY. BEHIND THESE RAPID CHANGES IN BRITAIN'S POLITICAL AND SECURITY ENVIRONMENT, MORE GRADUAL TECHNOLOGICAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGES HAVE FURTHER UNDERMINED THE ASSUMPTIONS UNDERLYING BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC CHANGE HAS ALSO BEEN ALTERING THE CHARACTER AND COHESION OF THE BRITISH STATE THAT FOREIGN POLICY IS INTENDED TO SERVE. THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT, CONTINUING TO PUT SUBSTANTIAL MINISTERIAL TIME AND PUBLIC EXPENDITURE INTO NATIONAL FOREIGN AND DEFENSE POLICIES, NOW MUST PERSUADE ITS AUDIENCE BOTH WITHIN AND OUTSIDE BRITAIN THAT IT STILL HAS A DISTINCTIVE PERSPECTIVE TOWARDS SHARED SECURITY AND ECONOMIC PROBLEMS.