Suchergebnisse

The Zulu kingdom is not extinct. It survives in the imaginations of many Bantu people, and remains latent in their social practices. Historically, it is as old as modern France, but it remained an independent state for a brief seven decades, its glory ending in the Zulu War of 1879. The period is spanned by the reigns of five monarchical figures: Dingiswayo (c. 1808–1818), who laid the foundations; Shaka (1816–1828), who established the kingdom and ruled at the zenith of Zulu power; Dingane (1828–1840), who continued the despotism as European settlers began to entrench upon the Zulu domain; Mpande (1840–1872), whose sovereignty was limited by accommodation first to Boer, then to British, power; Cetshwayo (1872–1884), who sought to break free but lost independence in a war against the British. Shaka stands out as the greatest of them all—both Romulus and Napoleon to the Zulu people—and his legend has captured the imaginations of both European and African writers, inspiring novels, biographies, and historical studies in several tongues. As a violent autocrat he is both admired and condemned: admired by those who love conquerors, condemned by those who hate despots. The internal transformations wrought by his regime were accompanied by enormous devastation and dislocation throughout South and Central Africa, disrupting a third of the continent. Some estimates of the slaughter in Shaka's total wars and in the mass migrations caused by them have placed the number of dead at close to two million. It is also estimated that by 1820 Shaka had deprived some three hundred tribes of their independence, had commanded a force of more than a hundred thousand warriors, and had brought half a million souls under his rule. Several of his generals fled with their armies to make empires of their own. Thus, even after his day had passed, Shaka's influence remained, for his model of military despotism was replicated in kingdoms such as the Matebele under Mzilikazi in Southern Rhodesia and the Gasa (Shangane) under Soshangane in Portuguese East Africa, and in several groups of Ngoni north of the Zambezi River. These kingdoms for some years preserved the Zulu pattern, coupling internal despotic power with external military terrorism.

The ancient Greeks rarely fail us when we turn to them in a receptive but cautious spirit for conceptual clarity, and their treatment of the abstraction "power" and terms related to it is relevant and suggestive. In Greek, a root contained in several words associated with political power has two meanings. The verbarcheinmeans both "to rule" and "to start"; the nounarchémeans both "sovereignty" and "beginning." J. L. Myres, in his analysis of Greek political ideas, suggests:It is now clear that in compounds the prefixarkhé(as in our words "architect" and "archbishop") describes not merely the first or chief man of a company or organization, but the initiatory function of him who "starts" the others to work, and originates the design which they are to complete. And this appeal to Greek practical life confirms the view that what is essential in the notion ofarkhéis just this initiatory "push" or "drive" with which the gifted man imposes his will-and-pleasure on the rest.

After the first world war, Paul Valéry spoke for the entire generation when he observed that Western civilization had learned that it was mortal, and that "a civilization is as fragile as a life." Thoughtful people discussed Oswald Spengler's work, began to criticize the idea of progress, revived cyclical theories of cultural decline, and were deeply stirred by the idea that Western civilization was in a state of decay. Since that time there has been no end to jeremiads and diagnoses judging that the crisis of our time is caused by the loss of spiritual convictions, the eclipse of transcendental values, the decline of morality, or the breakdown of traditional belief systems.Frequently, the writings in this genre have offered not sound diagnoses but merely truisms and dolorous representations of symptoms; nevertheless, concealed in them lurks a psychological truth. The breakdown in morality and traditional beliefs, stimulated by rapid social change, mass society and secularization, has helped to devitalize the psychological bearer of conscience and morality: the superego. Historically, the cultivation of the superego had propagated civilized men and a system of internal controls. Now the deterioration of the superego has brought crisis for political power and regression for civilization.

The psychol'al system of internal controls, the superego, has been a constitutive element for pol'al power & a factor in cultural advance. Modern soc conditions contribute to the deterioration of the superego, destroying the moral climate that has been the condition of a rational pol'al order, bringing crisis for pol'al power, regression for civilization, & the return of regressive forms of pol'al domination. Nevertheless, totalitarian leaders have found that the superego is more intractable & less plastic than they had assumed, & that it cannot be shaped entirely by pol'al educ. Atavistic forms of superego controls endure in a state of watchful suspension. The return to barbarism is not irreversible, for man's relation to barbarism is psychol'al, not solely historical, & mass men are potentially civilized. The future of civilization may depend on whether men will recapitulate their own history & re-enact psychol'ly what has been accomplished historically. AA-IPSA.