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"China's transformation from a poor and underdeveloped country into a global market power has profoundly altered its socioeconomic power relations with the other countries in the Greater China region, namely, Taiwan and Hong Kong. Indeed, this economic shift has resulted in the massive flow of capital and people from Taiwan as well as Hong Kong to China, to seek business opportunities and new lifestyles. These flows have in turn completely transformed longstanding borderlines in the region. This book examines the transformation of Taiwan and Hong Kong's socioeconomic relationships with China as their economies have become more deeply integrated into Greater China. Across three key sections, it explores the impact of increasing social interaction and the shrinking of existing borderlines to ask whether these changes will bring about a convergence of identity among the people involved. 'Production', examines how investments from Taiwan and Hong Kong to China have transformed production networks; 'community and daily life' explores the impact of cross boundary mobility and the integration of migrants into Chinese communities; and finally, 'identity formation' engages with what is one of the most important issues in contemporary Taiwanese society. Border Crossing in Greater China contributes not only to theoretical debates on border crossing issues, but also provides valuable insights on the practical concerns regarding social and political integration and tensions in the region. As such, it will be of great interest to students and scholars of Taiwan studies, Chinese studies, Chinese society and Chinese economics"--

This article argues that the existing literature on world city formation overlooks geopolitics and political struggles in accounting for a city's transformation. Using Taipei as a case study, the article shows that geo‐economics, geopolitics and local politics each played an important role in Taipei's ambiguous world city formation in the late 1990s and are expected to continue to do so in the not too promising future. It is argued that the globalization process in the 1980s and the corresponding restructuring of the Taiwan economy induced the state to adopt a new developmental strategy that enhanced Taipei's competitiveness. However, the democratization process facilitated a new nation‐building process in the late‐1990s and the newly‐elected regime suppressed the city of Taipei's ongoing development, as a consequence of which Taipei's competitiveness as a regional world city has been declining. Geopolitics and local politics are thus found to explain to a large degree the ambiguities currently defining Taipei's world city formation.La littérature existante sur la formation des villes mondiales néglige les luttes géopolitiques et politiques dans ses explications de la transformation d'une ville. Prenant comme cas Taipei, l'article montre que géo‐économie, géopolitique et politique locale ont chacune joué un r^le important dans la formation complexe de cette ville mondiale vers la fin des années 1990, rôle qu'elles devraient conserver dans un avenir peu prometteur. Le processus de mondialisation des années 1980 et la restructuration subséquente de l'économie taiwanaise ont conduit l'&#5´tat à adopter une nouvelle stratégie de développement, laquelle a renforcé la compétitivité de Taipei. En revanche, le processus de démocratisation a encouragé un processus de construction nationale dans la fin des années 1990 et le régime récemment élu a asphyxié l'évolution de cette ville, en conséquence de quoi la compétitivité de Taipei en tant que ville mondiale de la région a décliné. La géopolitique et la politique locale peuvent donc expliquer en grande partie les ambiguïtés qui définissent actuellement la formation de la ville mondiale de Taipei.

This article analyzes the transformation of labor relations in Taiwan. Employing a regulation approach to decipher the patterns of labor relations prevalent before the 1980s and the existing patterns characteristic of the 1990s, I argue that the former stage was a flexible Taylorist labor regime. This labor regime was coupled with an export‐oriented economy where the flexible use of labor was necessary to keep wages at low levels and to respond quickly to the world economy. In the 1990s, however, due to the upgrading and differentiation of the economy, plus a democratic movement that nurtured the emergence of unionism, this has been transformed into a new type of flexible labor regime in which different types of labor relations coexist. Different industrial sectors in this stage tend to adopt different forms of labor regulation within which none of them occupy a dominant position. Finally, the article discusses the spatial implications of labor relations in Taiwan with regard to geographical distribution. It is argued that, while geographical location did not matter in the former stage, in the 1990s geography does matter because of the differentiation of labor relations in different industrial sectors that exhibit distinctive patterns of geographical distribution.Cet article analyse la transformation des relations du travail à Taiwan. Utilisant la théorie de la régulation pour déchiffrer les modèles de relations dominants avant les années 1980, puis dans les années 1990, l'article démontre que la première phase se caractérisait par un régime tayloriste flexible; celui‐ci était associéà un économie orientée à l'exportation o?‹ la souplesse d'utilisation de la main d'œuvre permettait de maintenir de faibles niveaux de salaires et de répondre rapidement au marché mondial. Dans les années 1990, en revanche, l'économie s'étant développée et diversifiée, parallèlement à l'émergence d'un mouvement démocratique d'oùétait né le syndicalisme, un autre régime de main d'œuvre flexible s'est dessiné, dans lequel plusieurs types de relations du travail coexistent. Dans cette phase, différents secteurs industriels ont tendance à adopter différents modes de régulation du travail sans qu'aucun ne prédomine. Pour finir, l'article aborde les implications des relations du travail dans l'espace taiwanais par rapport à la géographie; il affirme que, si le lieu n'importait pas dans la première phase, il rev?t un intér?t dans la seconde à cause de la différenciation des relations du travail dans des secteurs industriels présentant ainsi des modèles distincts de répartition géographique.

ABSTRACTThe green energy transition is recognized for its inherent environmental contributions. This article illustrates how it can also reshape the economic landscape and create the conditions for a peripheral city to develop. Drawing on the politics of accelerating low‐carbon transition and focusing on the role that local governments play in this process, the authors illustrate how the green energy transition has commercialized wind and solar resources and constructed a new resource control system in northwest China. The Gobi Desert has extensive wind and solar energy resources; having the authority to grant access to preferential sites to exploit these resources empowers local governments to combine their interests with those of other stakeholders to build local capacity and achieve developmental goals. Governments are also able to manipulate renewable energy curtailments to promote infrastructure investment, technological progress, and the grid‐parity model. The green energy transition can therefore play a role in upgrading industrial structures, alleviating local poverty, narrowing regional development gaps, and contributing to national environmental improvement. This study provides a theoretical contribution to our understanding of how the local eco‐developmental state configures new energy spaces and restructures local governance, and argues that green industrial policies are sometimes actively nurtured by local rather than central governments.

The development of high-tech industrial parks (HTIPs) has become a salient phenomenon in China's economic and urban development. Current studies regarding the development of HTIPs tend to focus either on the active role of the local government or on the consequences of technological innovation that those parks may have brought about. Very few studies have paid attention to the intrinsic relationship between the process of space production in building HTIPs and the effect on urban development. To fill this theoretical gap, this article considers developing HTIPs as a territorial project through which both central and local states seek to promote economic growth by reorganizing their territories so as to facilitate capital accumulation based on building high-tech industrial parks. The authors use Beijing's Zhongguancun and Shanghai's Yangpu areas as examples to show the active role played by district governments in promoting and using the symbol of "high tech" to develop industrial estates. In the end, due to the HTIPs' quick tax-generating potentiality, their construction has given rise to commodity housing and commercial projects that district governments are much more enthusiastic to pursue. The property-led high-tech development projects have paradoxically generated a negative impact on sustainable high-tech development.

The development of high-tech industrial parks (HTIPs) has become a salient phenomenon in China's economic and urban development. Current studies regarding the development of HTIPs tend to focus either on the active role of the local government or on the consequences of technological innovation that those parks may have brought about. Very few studies have paid attention to the intrinsic relationship between the process of space production in building HTIPs and the effect on urban development. To fill this theoretical gap, this article considers developing HTIPs as a territorial project through which both central and local states seek to promote economic growth by reorganizing their territories so as to facilitate capital accumulation based on building high-tech industrial parks. The authors use Beijing's Zhongguancun and Shanghai's Yangpu areas as examples to show the active role played by district governments in promoting and using the symbol of "high tech" to develop industrial estates. In the end, due to the HTIPs' quick tax-generating potentiality, their construction has given rise to commodity housing and commercial projects which district governments are much more enthusiastic to pursue. The property-led high-tech development projects have paradoxically generated a negative impact on sustainable high-tech development.