Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Preface -- Introduction -- Chapter One. The Road to the Fifteenth Amendment, 1860-1870 -- Chapter Two. The Making of Federal Enforcement Laws, 1870-1872 -- Chapter Three. The Anatomy of Enforcement, 1870-1876 -- Chapter Four. The Hayes Administration and Black Suffrage, 1876-1880 -- Chapter Five. The Survival of a Principle, 1880-1888 -- Chapter Six. The Rise and Fall of Reenforcement, 1888-1891 -- Epilogue. Equality Deferred, 1892-1910 -- Appendix One. Enforcement Act of May 31, 1870 -- Appendix Two. Naturalization Act of July 14, 1870 -- Appendix Three. Enforcement Act of February 28, 1871 -- Appendix Four. Enforcement Act of April 20, 1871 -- Appendix Five. Enforcement Rider in the Civil Appropriation Act of June 10, 1872 -- Appendix Six. Sections from the Enforcement Acts in the Revised Statutes, Their Repeals, and Amendments -- Appendix Seven. Criminal Prosecutions under Enforcement Acts, 1870-1894, by Section and Year -- Appendix Eight. Strength Distribution of the Major Parties in the Federal Government, 1861-1909 -- Abbreviations -- Notes -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

This dissertation contributes to the discussions of the notion 'upstream public engagement', which has been actively advocated by STS scholars in addressing nanotechnologies since the beginning of the twenty-first century. One of the major criticisms of 'upstream public engagement'is its lack of a link with the political system. Drawing on theoretical tools provided by Habermas, this dissertation seeks to examine such a 'link'with a specific focus on the capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs) to distill, raise and transmit societal concerns in an amplified form to the public spheres. Previous literature has mostly included theoretical reflection or one-off case studies, and research based on long-term observations is scant. Based on content analysis and semi-structured interviews with relevant actors, this dissertation investigates whether and how upstream public engagement could contribute to more vibrant public spheres and facilitate the formation of communicative power. The answer to these questions is twofold: on the one hand, moving public engagement 'upstream' enables CSOs to be better informed and to become part of the debates more quickly. Most CSOs employ cooperative, argumentative, and expertise-based forms of involvement. On the other hand,'upstream pubic engagement'has turned out to be unsuccessful in generating substantial and sustained interest, as some CSOs have quit this field in frustration at the tokenistic engagement. ; Cette thèse contribue aux discussions sur la notion "d'engagement du public en amont", qui a été défendue par des chercheurs pour traiter des nanotechnologies au début du XXIème siècle. Cette notion a été critiquée pour l'absence de lien avec les décisions fonctionnelles. En utilisant l'outil théorique envisagé par Habermas, cette thèse tente d'étudier ce lien, avec une attention particulière portée sur la capacité des Organisations de la Société Civile à accueillir, condenser et répercuter sur la sphère publique les préoccupations sociétales tout en les amplifiant. ...

This dissertation contributes to the discussions of the notion 'upstream public engagement', which has been actively advocated by STS scholars in addressing nanotechnologies since the beginning of the twenty-first century. One of the major criticisms of 'upstream public engagement'is its lack of a link with the political system. Drawing on theoretical tools provided by Habermas, this dissertation seeks to examine such a 'link'with a specific focus on the capacity of civil society organizations (CSOs) to distill, raise and transmit societal concerns in an amplified form to the public spheres. Previous literature has mostly included theoretical reflection or one-off case studies, and research based on long-term observations is scant. Based on content analysis and semi-structured interviews with relevant actors, this dissertation investigates whether and how upstream public engagement could contribute to more vibrant public spheres and facilitate the formation of communicative power. The answer to these questions is twofold: on the one hand, moving public engagement 'upstream' enables CSOs to be better informed and to become part of the debates more quickly. Most CSOs employ cooperative, argumentative, and expertise-based forms of involvement. On the other hand,'upstream pubic engagement'has turned out to be unsuccessful in generating substantial and sustained interest, as some CSOs have quit this field in frustration at the tokenistic engagement. ; Cette thèse contribue aux discussions sur la notion "d'engagement du public en amont", qui a été défendue par des chercheurs pour traiter des nanotechnologies au début du XXIème siècle. Cette notion a été critiquée pour l'absence de lien avec les décisions fonctionnelles. En utilisant l'outil théorique envisagé par Habermas, cette thèse tente d'étudier ce lien, avec une attention particulière portée sur la capacité des Organisations de la Société Civile à accueillir, condenser et répercuter sur la sphère publique les préoccupations sociétales tout en les amplifiant. ...

AbstractThe political autonomy of Chinese provinces derives from their economic independence. After the 2008 economic crisis, budget deficits increased significantly in most Chinese provinces, making them more reliant on financial support from Beijing. Provinces suffering high deficits will lose their political clout in both local and national politics. Therefore, provinces with large deficits tend to be less resistant to the enforcement of the law of avoidance and underrepresented in the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We find that in provincial standing committees, the members who are native or have more birthplace ties are more likely to be ranked behind the outsiders, especially so in provinces with a high level of deficits. We also find that provincial-standing-committee members from high-deficit provinces have a low possibility to obtain seats in the party's Central Committee. These findings confirm the close relationship between economic independence and political autonomy of Chinese provinces. In addition, we find that the logic of economic independence cannot depict the whole picture and that regional pluralism is also an important concern when the party manages its provincial leadership teams.