Macroeconomics from the beginning: the general theory, ancient markets, and the rate of interest
In: Civilisations du Proche-Orient
In: Série 4, Histoire - essais 2
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In: Civilisations du Proche-Orient
In: Série 4, Histoire - essais 2
In: PIHANS volume 133
In: Civilisations du Proche-Orient
In: Serie 4, Histoire - essais 3
In: Orbis biblicus et orientalis 151
Accepting Globalisation means accepting diffusion, but globalisation has much to offer archaeologists, i.a. a monopoly on the sources of information for the early history and nature of globalisation. Beyond that, the elementary units of globalisation are not the states and boundaries we cannot find, but rather the cultures and civilisations we do and thus, there is less of a methodological confrontation with theory. Furthermore, globalisation offers a different approach to questions of economics which vex archaeological research. Approaching history from this vantage point allows a clearer means of structuring our understanding of history by combining cognitive, political, economic, social and cultural elements relating to identity and exchange to organise spatial and temporal groupings. ; Globalisierung anzunehmen bedeutet Diffusion anzuerkennen, aber Globalisierung bietet dem Archäologen vieles, u.a. ein Monopol für die Erfassung der frühen Geschichte und Natur der Globalisierung. Wichtig ist, dass die Elementareinheiten der Globalisierung nicht die Staaten und Grenzen sind, die wir nicht finden, sondern die Kulturen und Zivilisationen die wir gut erkennen können; daraus ergibt sich weniger Streit mit sozialer Theoriebildung. Weiterhin eröffnet die Globalisierung eine Möglichkeit der Wirtschaft näher zu kommen als es bisher der Fall war. Geschichte auf diese Weise aufzufassen bedeutet die Vereinheitlichung von kognitiven, politischen, wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und kulturellen Elementen, die mit Identität und Austausch verbunden sind, um letztere räumlich und zeitlich einzugrenzen.
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In: Journal of ancient Egyptian interconnections: JAEI, Band 9, Heft 1
ISSN: 1944-2815
The author argues that the evidence of observation in Egyptian third millennium BCE medicine and astronomy should allow ancient Egypt an important place in the history of science. The argument is primarily based on the absence of evidence of scientific observation in Mesopotamia preceding the Egyptian material, which renders the Egyptian observations of the movements of celestial bodies and trauma the earliest signs of science. While assigning "predictions" and "mathematical astronomy" a more important place, Assyriologists also date what they can document to long after the Egyptian observations and predictions, highlighting the chronological precedence of Egypt. Furthermore, the author stresses a complicated discourse involving the exchange of ideas that was ultimately stymied by the growing importance of religion and magic. Yet the development was not as linear as the usual versions suggest.
In: Journal of the economic and social history of the Orient: Journal d'histoire économique et sociale de l'orient, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 513-522
ISSN: 1568-5209
In: Anthropology of the Middle East, Band 4, Heft 1
ISSN: 1746-0727
In: Journal of the economic and social history of the Orient: Journal d'histoire économique et sociale de l'orient, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 327-337
ISSN: 1568-5209
In: Journal of the economic and social history of the Orient: Journal d'histoire économique et sociale de l'orient, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 65-131
ISSN: 1568-5209
AbstractDebate about states and markets in the Bronze Age world has directed attention away from their roles and thus away from the way these economies functioned. The ancient Egyptian state assigned fields to its dependents and stimulated demand by spending and taxation. Markets and market forces were responsible for the allocation and distribution of materials in the ancient Near East from the end of the third millennium. Growth did not result from technological improvement or market competition so much as from demand stimulus, as in the modern world, suggesting that demand is more important than supply.
In: Middle East report: Middle East research and information project, MERIP, Heft 185, S. 12
In: Probation journal: the journal of community and criminal justice, Band 22, Heft 2, S. 42-45
ISSN: 1741-3079
In: http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2393/14/146
Abstract Background Air pollution is a major health challenge worldwide and has previously been strongly associated with adverse reproductive health. This study aimed to examine the association between spontaneous abortion and seasonal variation of air pollutants in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Methods Monthly average O 3 , SO 2 , NO 2 , CO, PM 10 and PM 2.5 levels were measured at Mongolian Government Air Quality Monitoring stations. The medical records of 1219 women admitted to the hospital due to spontaneous abortion between 2009–2011 were examined retrospectively. Fetal deaths per calendar month from January-December, 2011 were counted and correlated with mean monthly levels of various air pollutants by means of regression analysis. Results Regression of ambient pollutants against fetal death as a dose–response toxicity curve revealed very strong dose–response correlations for SO 2 r > 0.9 (p 0.8), CO (r > 0.9), PM 10 (r > 0.9) and PM 2.5 (r > 0.8), (p < 0.001), indicating a strong correlation between air pollution and decreased fetal wellbeing. Conclusion The present study identified alarmingly strong statistical correlations between ambient air pollutants and spontaneous abortion. Further studies need to be done to examine possible correlations between personal exposure to air pollutants and pregnancy loss.
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Pollution of the environment is increasing and threatens the health and wellbeing of adults and children around the globe. The impact of air pollution on pulmonary and cardiovascular disease has been well documented, but it also has a deleterious effect on reproductive health. Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia, has one of the highest levels of air pollution in the world. During the extreme winters when temperatures routinely fall below −20 °C the level of air pollution can reach 80 times the WHO recommended safe levels. Heating mainly comes from coal, which is burned both in power stations, and in stoves in the traditional Ger housing. We studied the impact of air pollution on conception rates and birth outcomes in Ulaanbaatar using a retrospective analysis of health data collected from the Urguu Maternity hospital in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Daily levels of SO₂, NO₂, PM₁₀, and PM_(2.5) were collected from the government Air Quality Monitoring Stations in Ulaanbaatar for the same period as the study. In January, the month of highest pollution, there is a 3.2-fold decrease in conceptions that lead to the successfully delivered infants compared to October. The seasonal variations in conceptions resulting in live births in this study in Ulaanbaatar are shown to be 2.03 ± 0.20 (10-sigma) times greater than those in the Denmark/North America study of Wesselink et al., 2020. The two obvious differences between Ulaanbaatar and Europe/North America are pollution and temperature both of which are extreme in Ulaanbaatar. The extreme low temperature is mitigated by burning coal, which is the main source of domestic heat especially in the ger districts. This drives the level of pollution so the two are inextricably linked. Infants conceived in the months of June-October had the greatest cumulative PM_(2.5) pollution exposure over total gestation, yet these were also the pregnancies with the lowest PM_(2.5) exposure for the month of conception and three months prior to conception. The delivered-infant conception rate shows a markedly negative association with exposure to PM_(2.5) prior to and during the first month of pregnancy. This overall reduction in fecundity of the population of Ulaanbaatar is therefore a preventable health risk. It is of great consequence that the air pollution in Ulaanbaatar affects health over an entire lifespan including reproductive health. This could be remedied with a clean source of heating.
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