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As Ward Thomas details in The New Dogs of War, militias and paramilitary groups wield greater power than national governments in many countries, while in some war zones private contractors perform missions previously reserved for uniformed troops. Most ominously, terrorist organizations with global reach have come to define the security landscape for even the most powerful nations. Across the first decades of the twenty-first century we have witnessed a dramatic rise in the use of military force by these nonstate actors in ways that have impacted the international system, leading Thomas to undertake this valuable assessment of the state of play at this critical moment. To understand the spread of nonstate violence, Thomas focuses on the crucial role played by an epochal transformation in international norms. Since the eighteenth century, the Westphalian model of sovereignty has reserved the legitimate use of force to states. Thomas argues that normative changes in the decades after World War II produced a "crisis of coherence" for formal and informal rules against nonstate violence. In detailed case studies of nonstate militias, transnational terrorist networks, and private military contractors, Thomas explains how forces contesting state prerogatives exploited this crisis, which in turn reshaped international understandings of who could legitimately use force. By considering for the first time all three purveyors of nonstate violence as aspects of the same phenomenon, The New Dogs of War explains this fundamental shift in the norm that for centuries gave states the monopoly on military force.

The Fall and Rise of Nonstate Violence -- Coherence and Contestation : Explaining International Normative Change -- Partisans, Liberators, and Militias : Normative Change and the Legitimization of Nonstate Violence -- One Man's Freedom Fighter? Normative Change and the Geopolitical Construction of Terrorism -- From Soldiers of Fortune to Fortune 500 : Normative Contestation and the Return of Entrepreneurial Violence -- What's at Stake? The Implications of Nonstate Actor Violence.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. The Fall and Rise of Nonstate Violence -- 2. Coherence and Contestation: Explaining International Normative Change -- 3. Partisans, Liberators, and Militias: Normative Change and the Legitimization of Nonstate Violence -- 4. One Man's Freedom Fighter?: Normative Change and the Geopolitical Construction of Terrorism -- 5. From Soldiers of Fortune to Fortune 500: Normative Contestation and the Return of Entrepreneurial Violence -- 6. What's at Stake?: The Implications of Nonstate Actor Violence -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

The "birth" of Latin American nations -- From people to nation: Mesoamerica -- From people to nation: the Andes -- Gender and expanding ethnicity -- Migrations, trade, and other human interactions

"While there are differences between cultures in different places and times, colonial representations of indigenous peoples generally suggest they are not capable of literature nor are they worthy of being represented as nations. Colonial representations of indigenous people continue on into the independence era and can still be detected in our time. The thesis of this book is that there are various ways to decolonize the representation of Amerindian peoples. Each chapter has its own decolonial thesis which it then resolves. Chapter 1 proves that there is coloniality in contemporary scholarship and argues that word choices can be improved to decolonize the way we describe the first Americans. Chapter 2 argues that literature in Latin American begins before 1492 and shows the long arc of Mayan expression, taking the Popol Wuj as a case study. Chapter 3 demonstrates how colonialist discourse is reinforced by a dualist rhetorical ploy of ignorance and arrogance in a Renaissance historical chronicle, Agustin de Zárate's Historia del descubrimiento y conquista del Perú. Chapter 4 shows how by inverting the Renaissance dualist configuration of civilization and barbarian, the Nahua (Aztecs) who were formerly considered barbarian can be "civilized" within Spanish norms. This is done by modeling the categories of civilization discussed at length by the Friar Bartolomé de las Casas as a template that can serve to evaluate Nahua civil society as encapsulated by the historiography of Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, a possibility that would have been available to Spaniards during that time. Chapter 5 maintains that the colonialities of the pre-Independence era survive, but that Criollo-indigenous dialogue is capable of excavating their roots to extirpate them. By comparing the discussions of the hacienda system by the Peruvian essayist Manuel González Prada and by the Mayan-Quiché eye-witness to history Rigoberta Menchú, this books shows that there is common ground between their viewpoints despite the different genres in which their work appears and despite the different countries and the eight decades that separated them, suggesting a universality to the problem of the hacienda which can be dissected. This book models five different decolonizing methods to extricate from the continuities of coloniality both indigenous writing and the representation of indigenous peoples by learned elites."--Publisher's website

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Ethics, Norms, and the Study of International Relations -- 2. Principle Meets Power: Groundwork for an Analysis of Ethical Norms -- 3. International Assassination: "An Infamous and Execrable Practice" -- 4. Aerial Bombing to 1945: "A Frightful Cataclysm" -- 5. Aerial Bombing since 1945: A Norm Revived -- 6. The Limits of International Ethics -- Bibliography -- Index

"International Law and Armed Conflict" published on by Oxford University Press.

Este artículo propone ubicar a José Martí en un contexto teórico basado principalmente en los ensayos que él escribió durante su estadía en Estados Unidos. La teoría que él postula va más allá de la retórica meramente política anticolonialista que repudia el dominio que España ejercía sobre Cuba y expone dos otras facetas del colonialismo: la subordinación económica a través de tratados o conferencias internacionales así como también la subyugación psicológica inherente a la respuesta humana a estos tratados y conferencias. Esta psicocolonialidad resulta en actores individuales y nacionales que se convierten en protagonistas de dos caras en sus esfuerzos por obtener las mejores ventajas económicas, muchas veces a detrimento de otras naciones latinoamericanas. Martí propone la verdad y el h

Among the more perennially contentious issues on the campuses of many Catholic colleges and universities is the presence of the Reserve Officers'Training Corps, or ROTC. While opposition to ROTC has been by no means limited to Catholic schools, the centrality of moral and religious principles to the mission of these institutions has provided purchase for many of the arguments of ROTC critics. This article examines the major arguments put forth in support of the claim that ROTC is fundamentally inconsistent with Catholic Church teaching and, therefore, at odds with the mission of Catholic colleges and universities. The article concludes that each rests on interpretations of Catholic moral thought and teaching that are not only incomplete but also incorrect and that claims of a basic contradiction between the religious identity of Catholic institutions of higher learning and ROTC programs do not stand up well to scrutiny.

The present article examines constructions of race, nation and mestizaje in work of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, José Martí and Eugenio Maria de Hostos. The first championed the prevailing nineteenth-century view that humanity was being debilitated by a constant battle between civilization and barbarism while the two Antilleans questioned it in their search for a society liberated from coloniality. Martí denied the notion of privilege based on Europeanness, proclaiming that whites, blacks, indigenous and mixed-race peoples could all claim equal rights under natural law. Hostos agreed with Martí but took his recommendation one step further by proposing race mixing, with all ethnic groups equally forming a new society. Therefore Martí's negation of racial differences becomes with Hostos a quest for a society that would eventually become homogeneous through miscegenation. The study concludes that there is a timelessness inherent to Martí and Hostos's work that still speaks to us today in the midst of a new awareness of ethnicity's impact on society. Resumen:De Sarmiento a Martí y Hostos: Rescatando al país de la colonialidadEl presente artículo examina las construcciones de raza, nación y mestizaje en las obras de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, José Martí y Eugenio María de Hostos. El primero defendía la construcción deci monónica de que la humanidad había sido debilitada por una constante batalla entre civilización y barbarie mientras los dos antillanos la cuestionaban en su búsqueda de una sociedad libre de la colonialidad. Martí niega la noción de privilegio basado en lo europeo y proclama que los blancos, negros, indígenas y personas de raza mezclada podrían reclamar la igualdad de derechos bajo leyes naturales. Hostos estuvo de acuerdo con Martí pero llevó su recomendación un paso más allá, proponiendo que la mezcla de razas, con todos los grupos étnicos igualmente formarán una nueva sociedad. Por lo tanto, la negación de Martí de las diferencias raciales se convierte con Hostos en una búsqueda para una sociedad que eventualmente se volvería homogénea a través del mestizaje. Este estudio concluye que hay una cualidad eterna inherente a las obras de Martí y Hostos, que los vuelve valiosos para la comprensión del impacto que la etnia tiene en la sociedad.

Resumen Este artículo propone ubicar a José Martí en un contexto teórico basado principalmente en los ensayos que él escribió durante su estadía en Estados Unidos. La teoría que él postula va más allá de la retórica meramente política anticolonialista que repudia el dominio que España ejercía sobre Cuba y expone dos otras facetas del colonialismo: la subordinación económica a través de tratados o conferencias internacionales así como también la subyugación psicológica inherente a la respuesta humana a estos tratados y conferencias. Esta psicocolonialidad resulta en actores individuales y nacionales que se convierten en protagonistas de dos caras en sus esfuerzos por obtener las mejores ventajas económicas, muchas veces a detrimento de otras naciones latinoamericanas. Martí propone la verdad y el honor como un remedio a la psicocolonialidad con la esperanza de vencer a las estructuras hegemónicas inherentes en el panamericanismo. This article attempts to locate José Martí in a theoretical context based primarily on the essays he wrote while in the United States. The theory he postulates goes beyond mere political anticolonialist rhetoric repudiating Spain's dominance over Cuba and exposes two other facets of colonialism: economic subordination by means of treaties or international conferences as well as the psychological subjugation inherent in the human response to such treaties and conferences. This psychocoloniality results in individual and national actors becoming duplicitous in their efforts to obtain the best economic advantage, oftentimes in detriment to other Latin American nations. Martí proposes truth and honor as a remedy for psychocoloniality in the hopes of overcoming the hegemonic structures inherent in Pan-Americanism.