Suchergebnisse

Abstract  Some twenty years ago, the Trilateral Commission organized a project on 'governability' of democracies. At that time, North American and West‐European democracies were facing serious crises of governability. while Japan was not. Now, although Japanese democracy is not in total crisis, but is facing new tasks to be tackled as a 'major industrial democracy.' Homogenization of economic institutions among major industrial countries is functionally inevitable in an age of globalized economy. Political reforms to enhance it are urgently required. Burden sharing for world democratic governance is posing serious tasks to Japan as a 'civilian power.' Although it is certain that Japan will remain as a democracy for any foreseeable future, but her governability in the sense of the capacity to contribute to world democratic governance is now, and will be, put on severe trial for years to come.

In terms of the numbers of professional social scientists & social science publications, the social sciences are thriving in Japan because of the expansion of higher education & the high literacy rate of the Japanese public. Problems still exist; before these can be discussed, it is necessary to present a brief historical background of the social sciences in Japan from the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912) to the post-war period. The present institutional framework of social science education & research (mainly in the U's) is described. Some of the current issues with regard to the development of the social sciences in Japan are: (1) insufficiency of research funding, (2) excessive reliance on government sources (as opposed to nongovernmental foundations) for funding, (3) rigidity of the faculty system which prevents the establishment of some of the newer disciplines such as cultural anthropology & international relations, & (4) lack of knowledge outside Japan of the work of Japanese social scientists since their works are not published in English. Perspectives for the future are discussed. J. N. Mayer.

The region East Asia here encompasses China, Korea & Japan. Looking at these 3 countries in terms of the formation of a distinctive politico-cultural unit, the early formation & continuous development of such units by all 3 is pointed out. The history of pol'al unification in all 3 countries is described. The impact of the West in the 19th cent & the necessity of modernization made it impossible for the traditional system to survive in any of the countries of South Asia. Looking at the diff routes followed by these 3 countries, the fact is stressed that a long, historical existence of cultural & pol'al unity per se was not a sufficient condition for building & developing a nation or state capable of surviving & developing in the modern world. The following questions are raised & discussed. What were the factors that made it possible to build a viable nation in Meiji Japan, & what were the factors that hindered the same development in China & Korea? It is shown that on the one hand, some regarded Japan as a model of development for China & Korea, but on the other Japan's annexation of Korea, possession of Taiwan, & invasion of Manchuria undeniably showed that Japan was the direct enemy of the independence & pol'al unity of China & Korea. The consequences of unbalanced pol'al development in the region are analyzed. The question asked & answered is: What were the conditions necessary for building a viable nation or State which could coexist with the other nations in the modern world? Special attention is given to the nature of Meiji nation-building, the nature of Meiji nat'lism, & the ultra-nat'lism of the Imperial State during WWII. It is concluded that the East Asian cases give us an example of unbalanced development among neighboring units within a region. Attention must be given to this sort of pol'al dynamics within a region & between neighboring units, & its causes & consequences assessed. It is concluded that there is grave danger in making too great a use of the traditional soc structure & ancient myths in modern nation-building, & that nat'lism or nat'l consciousness should be combined with some elements of internat'lism or belief in the existence of an internat'l community. E. Weiman.

This landmark work surveys the major factors that influence voting behavior in Japan. It is the first comprehensive study of the Japanese voter to be written for English-speaking audiences. It is commonly believed that Japanese voting behavior cannot be compared to voting behavior in the West because it is not determined by the same kinds of group loyalties, interests, and attitudes but rather by unique patterns of personalistic networks and group mobilization. However this book demonstrates through a wide range of examples that there are recognizable bases of comparison between Japanese and Western voting behavior. It also produces a number of fascinating contrasts with voting in the West, because Japan is different, even if it is not unique. Thus we learn about the relative absence of economic voting, the weak role of the media, the continuing importance of cultural values, the enormous stability in voting patterns, and the effects of the unusual Japanese electoral system. Drawing on data from the 1950s onward, the book includes coverage of the most recent national elections in Japan