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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- PART ONE ASEAN, INDOCHINA, AND THE GREAT POWERS -- 1 The Diplomacy of Stalemate -- 2 Indochina in Early ' 84: Doves of Peace or Dogs of War -- 3 China and Southeast Asia -- 4 The Superpowers in Southeast Asia: A Security Assessment -- 5 The View from the Front Line States: Thailand and Vietnam -- PART TWO SELECTED DOCUMENTS -- I ASEAN Statement on Indochina, January 9, 1979 -- II Joint Statement by ASEAN Foreign Ministers, January 12, 1979 -- III ASEAN Joint Statement on Refugees, January 12, 1979 -- IV ASEAN Statement on the Vietnam-China Border War, February 20, 1979 -- V Communique of the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, June 30, 1979 -- VI Proposal on Easing Tension Between the PRK and Thailand, July 18, 1980 -- VII ICK Declaration on Kampuchea, July 17, 1981 -- VIII Principles on Relations Between Indochina and ASEAN, October 7, 1981 -- IX Statement on Vietnamese Volunteers in Kampuchea, February 23, 1983 -- X Chinese Five Point Proposal on Kampuchea, March 1, 1983 -- XI ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Statement on Kampuchea, March 23, 1983 -- XII An Appeal for Kampuchean Independence, September 21, 1983 -- XIII Communique of the Indochinese Foreign Ministers, January 28, 1984 -- XIV ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Statement, Jakarta, May 8, 1984 -- XV ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Joint Statement on the Kampuchean Problem, July 9, 1984 -- Appendix A Select Chronology of ASEAN Diplomacy In the Indochina Crisis -- About the Contributors -- Index.

The foreign policy issue in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election was the rejection by both candidates, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto, of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's high-profile globalism. Both promised instead a foreign policy directed to the real economic and social interests of the people. This raised concerns by Indonesia's international partners that its new foreign policy would be more nationalistic and inward looking. A year and a half into Jokowi's presidency, it is possible to make a preliminary assessment of the course of Jokowi's foreign policy in relation to the goals that Jokowi the candidate set forth for Jokowi the president. Indonesia's foreign policy under Jokowi, like his predecessor's, is that suited to a rising middle power with a claim to regional leadership. Its operating principles have been unchanged since first enunciated in 1948: "bebas dan aktif" — independent and active — shaped pragmatically to existing situations. Jokowi revived Sukarno's trisakti ("threes pillars of the state") as the organizing principles of his presidential campaign -- an Indonesia that is sovereign, economically independent, and with a strong socio-cultural identity — and these are reflected in his foreign policy. In his "Vision and Mission" manifesto for the presidential election, Jokowi listed the action agendas necessary for achieving his four foreign policy priorities. These were (a) promotion of Indonesia as an archipelagic maritime state, (b) promotion of Indonesia's middle-power regional role, (c) a new focus on the Indo-Pacific, and (d) reforming the foreign policy process. Five critical areas in particular define Jokowi's foreign policies. These are (a) building the Global Maritime Axis, (b) economic diplomacy, (c) Indonesia's role in ASEAN, (d) navigating between China and the United States, and (e) Indonesia's role in the South China Sea. The bedrock of Indonesian foreign policy since at least 2001 remains firm. The country continues to be a responsible, cooperative international partner sharing interest in economic growth and a peaceful, secure international order with like-minded states. However, heightened tension in the South China Sea is limiting the space for Indonesia's hedging strategy.

"Offers a clear and comprehensive introduction to the international relations of contemporary Southeast Asia. The author analyzes the Southeast Asian states' efforts to adapt to a regional international environment that is characterized by the security demands of the war on terrorism; the economic demands of globalism; and the political demands of nontraditional issues such as democracy, human rights, the environment, and gender. These shifting dynamics take place in a broader framework of diminished U.S. power and enhanced Chinese influence that could well undermine Southeast Asia's autonomy"--

Adapted from the source document.

The world's largest Muslim democracy is an international success story, but domestic corruption and resistance from fellow ASEAN member-states hinder Jakarta's ambitions.