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A complete and up-to-date overview of the changing nature of party politics in Britain is provided in this book. Paul Webb draws on models of comparative politics and the latest empirical analysis to map and explain the capacity of British parties to adapt to a changing political environment. He examines the nature and extent of party competition, the internal life and organizational development of parties, and the variety of evolving party systems in Britain and the links between parties and the wider political system. Recommended by the editors of Political Studies, this book provides a complete up-to-date overview of the changing nature of contemporary party politics in Britain, and draws on models of comparative politics and the latest empirical analysis to explain the capacity of British parties to adapt to a changing political environment. A number of broad themes include: the nature and extent of party competition; the internal life and organizational development of parties; the variety of evolving party systems in the United Kingdom; and the links between parties and the wider political system.

AbstractThis article seeks to examine evidence of the existence and growth of anti‐party sentiment in the UK. While it is clear that the available data cannot unambiguously confirm these phenomena, at least a prima facie case can be made on the basis of such evidence. Regression analysis suggests that while erosion of the class cleavage in the country is associated with the loosening of partisan commitments, the shortcomings of party governments in the area of economic policy management might contribute significantly to a sense of popular alienation from the major parties. Notwithstanding this, anti‐party sentiment is perhaps not as high as might be expected in a country where perceptions of national economic decline have been widespread. Political culture and the electoral system are very real constraints that do much to account for this.

This article seeks to examine evidence of the existence and growth of anti-party sentiment in the UK. While it is clear that the available data cannot unambiguously confirm these phenomena, at least a "prima facie" case can be made on the basis of such evidence. Regression analysis suggests that while erosion of the class cleavage in the country is associated with the loosening of partisan commitments, the shortcomings of party governments in the area of economic policy management might contribute significantly to a sense of popular alienation from the major parties. Notwithstanding this, anti-party sentiment is perhaps not as high as might be expected in a country where perceptions of national economic decline have been widespread. Political culture and the electoral system are very real constraints that do much to account for this. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

This article seeks to examine evidence that British political parties may be in decline. A two-dimensional framework for analysis is utilized, which suggests that the overall picture is far from unambiguous. At most, a prima facie case can be made that the popular legitimacy of parties may be dwindling; similarly, party organizations only appear weaker than they were a generation ago at the local level - and even this may be a somewhat simplistic account of the real strengths and weaknesses of British parties given the emergence of the `electoral-professional' model. If we turn to a deeper level of analysis, we must concede that the capacity of parties to fulfil functions on behalf of the wider political system may not be what it once was in some respects; nevertheless, they remain central to the tasks of demand aggregation and political recruitment. In short, political parties in the UK may have their problems, but they remain much more than vestigial phenomena of a bygone age. To a significant extent this is because of their undoubted capacity to adapt to changing environments.

Considers whether British political parties are in decline, drawing on empirical data on party legitimacy & party organizational strength. It is found that local party membership & organization has eroded, & affective partisan sentiment has given way to greater voter hesitancy. These indicators of party decline should be seen in a wider context. The decline of party politics is connected to persistent policy shortcomings, particularly in the area of the economy, the growth of the civil servant bureaucracy, & growing incohesiveness of parliamentary parties. Viewed in this light, it is conceded that political parties are no longer articulating & representing interests as efficiently as they once did. However, political parties continue to be resilient because they have adapted to the altered environment & continue to fulfill important political functions in the areas of interest aggregation, political recruitment, & decision making. 4 Tables, 60 References. D. M. Smith

Abstract. This paper deals with the relationship between election campaign innovation and organisational change within parties. Using the case of the British Labour Party, the paper considers how far campaign changes of the past few years entail the organisational transformation of the party. Broadly speaking, it seems reasonable to conclude that the professionalisation of Labour's election campaign personnel has had significant implications both for policy and for the autonomy of the party leadership. These developments indicate a partial, but nonetheless significant, transformation of Labour's organisation.

Es wird der Frage nachgegangen, wie sich Innovationen in Wahlkampagnen und die Professionalisierung von Wahlkämpfen der Labour Party auf die organisatorische Struktur der Partei auswirken. Die inhaltlichen Veränderungen von Wahlkampagnen und der organisatorische Rahmen zu ihrer Durchführung werden beschrieben und eine zunehmende Autonomie der Parteiführung bei der Durchführung von Wahlkampagnen festgestellt. (AuD-Pls)

Leading experts examine and compare the changing role of political parties and their leadership in 14 modern democracies. It is shown how they are increasingly following a presidential logic of governance, through which leadership is becoming more central and more powerful, but also increasingly dependent on appeal to the mass public