Climate change and security: a gathering storm of global challenges
In: Security and the environment
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In: Security and the environment
In: African security, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 277-302
ISSN: 1939-2214
In: African security, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 277-302
ISSN: 1939-2206
World Affairs Online
In: Wissenschaft und Frieden: W & F, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 32-34
ISSN: 0947-3971
In: Third world quarterly, Band 27, Heft 8, S. 1463-1480
ISSN: 1360-2241
In: Third world quarterly, Band 27, Heft 8, S. 1463-1480
ISSN: 0143-6597
World Affairs Online
In: Oxford development studies, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 81-97
ISSN: 1360-0818
World Affairs Online
In: Oxford development studies, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 81-97
ISSN: 1469-9966
In: European foreign affairs review, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 519-537
ISSN: 1875-8223
The EU's post-Lisbon institutional setting not only opens the possibility for a more coherent and comprehensive response to crises, but also poses the problem of coordination and cooperation among a number of independent actors at the EU and at the EU Member State levels as well as from the international donor community. Actors involved in foreign policy, development and humanitarian work have different agendas. The 'Joint Humanitarian-Development Framework approach' used as an example in this article aims at addressing this challenge, whereby EU staff in delegations, headquarters, as well as Member States, international organizations, development and humanitarian agencies, and national counterparts need to understand each other's perceptions, objectives and motivations in order to agree on a common framework for action. Drawing on inside evidence from the European Commission (DG DEVCO and DG ECHO) as well as the European External Action Service, the study aims at analysing the institutional interplay between the different actors involved in designing and implementing the EU's comprehensive approach to foreign and development policies.
In: European foreign affairs review, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 519-538
ISSN: 1384-6299
World Affairs Online
In: European foreign affairs review, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 519-538
ISSN: 1384-6299
The EU's post-Lisbon institutional setting not only opens the possibility for a more coherent and comprehensive response to crises, but also poses the problem of coordination and cooperation among a number of independent actors at the EU and at the EU Member State levels as well as from the international donor community. Actors involved in foreign policy, development and humanitarian work have different agendas. The 'Joint Humanitarian-Development Framework approach' used as an example in this article aims at addressing this challenge, whereby EU staff in delegations, headquarters, as well as Member States, international organizations, development and humanitarian agencies, and national counterparts need to understand each other's perceptions, objectives and motivations in order to agree on a common framework for action. Drawing on inside evidence from the European Commission (DG DEVCO and DG ECHO) as well as the European External Action Service, the study aims at analysing the institutional interplay between the different actors involved in designing and implementing the EU's comprehensive approach to foreign and development policies. Adapted from the source document.
In: APSA 2009 Toronto Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
Somalia has been without a central authority for more than a quarter century. An entire generation is growing up without experiencing stability and security, basic human rights, and economic prosperity. There is no functioning central government with authority over the entire country, extreme weather impacts the country unmitigated, and social challenges such as corruption are rampant. This bears several risks, such as support for radical Islamist groups, such as Al-Shabaab, posing a threat to domestic and international security, or a brain drain with large number of people fleeing the instability and conflict in Somalia. Informal governance actors, formal local authorities, and the private sector have filled the gaps in providing security, education, and health services. Yet, powerful formal and informal, national as well as international actors have vested interests in a weak state or governance failure, with conflict and instability becoming self-perpetuating. This political economy analysis sheds light on the actors, their interests, and power relationships, thus providing a better understanding of these arrangements and their relation with the wider state-building efforts. ; publishedVersion
BASE
Somalia has been without a central authority for more than a quarter century. An entire generation is growing up without experiencing stability and security, basic human rights, and economic prosperity. There is no functioning central government with authority over the entire country, extreme weather impacts the country unmitigated, and social challenges such as corruption are rampant. This bears several risks, such as support for radical Islamist groups, such as Al-Shabaab, posing a threat to domestic and international security, or a brain drain with large number of people fleeing the instability and conflict in Somalia. Informal governance actors, formal local authorities, and the private sector have filled the gaps in providing security, education, and health services. Yet, powerful formal and informal, national as well as international actors have vested interests in a weak state or governance failure, with conflict and instability becoming self-perpetuating. This political economy analysis sheds light on the actors, their interests, and power relationships, thus providing a better understanding of these arrangements and their relation with the wider state-building efforts. ; publishedVersion
BASE
The Arctic is frequently framed as a region of disaster and conflict, as well as of opportunity and cooperation. Disaster diplomacy is one approach for examining how dealing with disasters might or might not affect conflict and cooperation, yet little work on Arctic disaster diplomacy has been completed, especially regarding specific bilateral relations. This paper contributes to filling in this gap by focusing on the post-USSR era to provide the first examination of the prospects and relevance of Norway-Russia disaster-related interaction for the Svalbard archipelago. As a discussion paper focusing on one case study, Norway-Russia disaster diplomacy is analysed in the context of Svalbard followed by potential prospects for Norway-Russia relations to be influenced by Svalbard's disaster-related activities. Possible meanings for Norway-Russia relations are then discussed. No indication is found that disaster-related activities for or around Svalbard are influencing or could influence Norway-Russia relations or that disaster-related activities are nudging or could push the diplomacy in new and lasting directions. As such, this Arctic case study supports the current disaster diplomacy conclusions that disaster-related activities are sometimes used to spur on existing processes, but have not yet shown to produce any different directions in conflict or cooperation. ; publishedVersion
BASE