Suchergebnisse

The establishment of the Auckland 'Supercity', was billed as "New Zealand's bold experiment in local government" (AUT School of Social Sciences and Public Policy 2013). The high media profile nationally and locally, resulted in an Auckland voter turnout of 51 percent in the 2010 local government election. This was two per cent above the national average of 49 percent, already elevated by public interest in the Auckland reforms and Christchurch post-earthquake (Department of Internal Affairs 2013), and a further 13 percentage points up on the aggregate turnout of 37.9 per cent 3 years prior, in 2007. This apparent resurgence in local democracy was short-lived. Three years on, turnout in Auckland had resumed this pattern and dropped a further 2.5 per cent to 35.4 percent (Auckland Council 2013), in line with the trend of declining voter turnout in New Zealand, and many older democracies, since 1989. These results fuel the debate around what influences voter turnout and what constitutes effective local democracy. International scholars (Paxton 2002; Bevelander and Pendakur 2009; Abrams, Iversen et al. 2011; Ben-Bassat and Dahan 2012) have evidenced a positive correlation between social capital and democracy as a general concept and voter turnout more specifically. This paper provides an overview of research linking social capital and voter turnout; describes the governance arrangements following establishment of the Auckland supercity; examines voter turnout rates recorded in Auckland, during the 2010 and 2013 local government elections - the first two triennial elections since reforms; and poses social capital and reform-related explanations for the ongoing decline in Auckland's voter turnout (Royal Commission on Auckland Governance 2008).

This article examines the extent to which Auckland Council candidates and elected members have reflected the diversity of the unitary city's population since the amalgamation in 2010 of eight former local authorities. The findings confirm that electoral candidates have become more ethnically and gender diverse at the local board level, but city-wide the trend away from New Zealand's traditional European, male and older local representatives has been less pronounced. Overall the research presents an optimistic picture of post-reform representation in Auckland local democracy. There has been a significant increase in representation of women and Pacific and Asian people. However, the ongoing challenges facing Māori to achieve fair and effective representation in Auckland raise questions about the efficacy of the Local Electoral Act 2001, as the Auckland Council persistently chooses to retain first-past-the-post voting for its electoral system.

The article examines women's local government representation following amalgamation to form a super-sized city authority, Auckland, which covers a third of New Zealand's population. Using a gender perspective, it analyses the promise implicit in amalgamation rhetoric that democratic gaps in representation, including the gender gap, would diminish. It examines the question of whether size has made a difference. Prior to local government amalgamation, women's representation had not significantly increased over a period of seven election cycles. Women's descriptive and substantive representation are examined at national and city levels and the gendered implications of local government reform are considered from the perspectives of female elected representatives at councillor and local board levels. Evidence shows that local government reform has yet to be the catalyst for improving women's descriptive and substantive representation, although there are tentative signs of entry-level improvement at community board level which raise the prospect of a pipeline effect. Interviews with elected female representatives after amalgamation show that while they do not identify themselves as speaking for women, they see themselves as women speaking for their communities and doing it better than men. The results suggest the influence of gender backlash politics and also confirm the need to think about the performance of elected women as more than 'articulated' representation.

The article examines women's local government representation following amalgamation to form a super-sized city authority, Auckland, which covers a third of New Zealand's population. Using a gender perspective, it analyses the promise implicit in amalgamation rhetoric that democratic gaps in representation, including the gender gap, would diminish. It examines the question of whether size has made a difference. Prior to local government amalgamation, women's representation had not significantly increased over a period of seven election cycles. Women's descriptive and substantive representation are examined at national and city levels and the gendered implications of local government reform are considered from the perspectives of female elected representatives at councillor and local board levels. Evidence shows that local government reform has yet to be the catalyst for improving women's descriptive and substantive representation, although there are tentative signs of entry-level improvement at community board level which raise the prospect of a pipeline effect. Interviews with elected female representatives after amalgamation show that while they do not identify themselves as speaking for women, they see themselves as women speaking for their communities and doing it better than men. The results suggest the influence of gender backlash politics and also confirm the need to think about the performance of elected women as more than 'articulated' representation.

Background: The allied heath, scientific and technical (allied health) workforce is the second largest workforce in New Zealand, providing diagnostic, therapeutic and preventative services. Increasingly consumers present with complex conditions requiring multiprofessional integrated services and a legacy of profession-focused leadership development is being challenged. [1] Future health and disability systems require leaders prepared to lead complex services, less focussed on their professional background and more on understanding their interprofessional services. [2, 3] The Allied health workforce is well placed to lead these systems, providing interprofessional experience, a biopsychosocial lens and collaborative models of practice. Aim: To provide an understanding of the literature and research available that addresses the leadership of healthcare services by allied health clinicians. Methodology: An initial database review was completed using a systematic approach, across CINAHL complete; EBSCO Business; Medline; and EBSCO Health databases from March 2020 to September 2020. An expanded search used Google Scholar and NZ, UK and Australian based government websites to access institutional documents, such as policies, reviews and reports. Results: The review identified an emerging pool of research on allied health leadership in Australia and the UK but a paucity of literature on allied health leadership in New Zealand. Three themes were identified and explored within the article: health leadership frameworks, current state and barriers and enablers identified. Conclusions: Literature advocates for a broader scope of clinicians into strategic leadership roles. Despite evidence of strategic allied health roles in New Zealand there remains a dearth of literature on allied health leadership. To foster and sustain the development of allied health leaders in New Zealand it is important to understand the enablers that impact this process.

AbstractThis paper explores the diversity of local government electoral candidates and elected members, in Auckland – one of the world's most diverse cities (Chen 2015: 56) – following the 2010 amalgamation. It responds to questions raised over the democratic gaps created by enlarged wards, a lack of diverse representation, and higher elected member ratios. The research asks the question – who stood and who was elected in the election following the Auckland 2010 reforms, and how does this compare with the city's diverse population. Pitkin's (1967) concept of descriptive representation provides the foundation for a comparison of the gender, age, and ethnicity of local population, local government candidates, and elected members, to ascertain descriptive representation. The human rights framework provides a theoretical foundation to examine the diversity of representation. Preliminary findings support the view that under the shared governance model, electoral candidates are becoming more ethnically and gender diverse at the local level; while at the regional level, the dominance of the archetypal councillor as European, middle‐aged and male, prevails.

Within a global context, local government in New Zealand occupies an enviable position: it enjoys both a statutorily-defined 'power of general competence' and financial autonomy from central government. However, despite this, voter turnout rates in New Zealand local elections continue to fall as ever fewer New Zealanders engage in this fundamental act of civic engagement. This review article examines the decline in voting over the last four New Zealand local government elections (2010/13/16/19). It aims to do three things: plot the decline; identify and analyse the causes of this decline; and suggest ways in which the decline might be countered. The authors reach the conclusion that local government in New Zealand is at a crossroads – it will either be rejuvenated as a source of local democracy and prosper, or decline into an administrative arm of central government.

Within a global context, local government in New Zealand occupies an enviable position: it enjoys both a statutorily-defined 'power of general competence' and financial autonomy from central government. However, despite this, voter turnout rates in New Zealand local elections continue to fall as ever fewer New Zealanders engage in this fundamental act of civic engagement. This review article examines the decline in voting over the last four New Zealand local government elections (2010/13/16/19). It aims to do three things: plot the decline; identify and analyse the causes of this decline; and suggest ways in which the decline might be countered. The authors reach the conclusion that local government in New Zealand is at a crossroads – it will either be rejuvenated as a source of local democracy and prosper, or decline into an administrative arm of central government.

Objective Faith leaders often serve as health-related role models yet many struggle with obesity and self-care engagement. The purpose of this scoping review was to examine how the faith leader literature has defined self-care and examined obesity and obesity-related chronic disease. Data Source Studies were identified through database (eg, PubMed, CINAHL, PsycINFO), backward, and grey literature (eg, dissertations) searches. Inclusion/Exclusion Criteria Studies published in English with participants who were 18 years or older and examined leaders across all faiths. Studies also included an examination of self-care behaviors among faith leaders within the context of obesity or obesity-related chronic diseases. Data Extraction/Synthesis Data synthesis was qualitative and informed by the six-step framework developed by Arksey and O'Malley (2005) as well as updated recommendations by Daudt et al (2013). Of the 418 studies identified and screened, 20 met the eligibility criteria. Results Studies were primarily cross-sectional and participants Christian faith-leaders in the US. Most studies did not define self-care or incorporate theory, but focused on vegetarian diets and physical activity engagement. Other self-care related behaviors (eg, sleep, days off), some unique to faith leaders (eg, sabbatical), were included but not systematically. Conclusions Research with more diverse faith leaders and that uses theory is needed to guide development of strategies for engaging this population in self-care to reduce obesity and related chronic diseases.