Suchergebnisse

Wie können Kooperationen zwischen Diakonie und Kirche gelingen? Neben zahlreichen Gemeinsamkeiten und Verknüpfungen weisen beide sehr unterschiedliche Systemlogiken auf. Aus theologischer und sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektive werden organisationale und interaktionale Aspekte von Diakonie und Kirche analysiert und die Gemeinwesendiakonie als kooperativer Kontext betrachtet. In zwei empirischen Studien werden anschließend die Kirchenkreissozialarbeit und ein gemeinwesendiakonisches Förderprojekt untersucht. Dabei werden unterschiedliche Typen gelingender Kooperationen herausgearbeitet. Es wird deutlich: Wo Diakonie und Kirche zusammenarbeiten, werden sie zu wichtigen Gestalterinnen in der Zivilgesellschaft. [[Cooperation between Diaconia and Church]] How can cooperation between diaconal institutions and church succeed? Besides numerous similarities and links, both actors have very different system logics. From theological and social scientific perspectives, organizational and interactional aspects of diaconia and church are analyzed and community diaconia is considered as a cooperative context. Subsequently, two empirical studies examine Kirchenkreissozialarbeit (social work of a church district) and a community diaconia support project. Different types of successful cooperation are identified. It becomes clear that where diaconal institutions and church cooperate, they become important shapers in civil society.

Three studies investigated how subliminally primed thoughts of an agent prior to action can affect ascriptions of authorship for that action. Participants competed against a computer program to remove words from a computer screen. Participants reported greater feelings of authorship when primed with first person singular pronouns, and lower feelings of authorship when primed with "computer." We also investigated whether authorship feelings could be affected by priming subjects with a supernatural agent (i.e., God). Feelings of authorship decreased when participants were primed with God, but only among believers.

Die Evangelische Kirche in Hessen und Nassau förderte in den Jahren 2015-2019 28 gemeinwesendiakonische Projekte im Bereich Armutsbekämpfung. Die vorliegende Evaluation dieser Projekte ist die bisher ausführlichste Evaluation im Bereich der Gemeinwesendiakonie.

Since the 1990s, international and regional organisations have responded to calls to open up to civil society. Some, however, remain relatively inaccessible. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) is one of those regional organisations that seems to have resisted opening up, making it a "tough test" for civil society engagement. Yet, even in this difficult regional context, we observe the existence of transnational civil society networks that aim to engage and influence regional governance, although there are notable differences across policy sectors. It is likely that the characteristics of these civil society networks have an effect on civil society participation in, and engagement with, regional governance. Against this background, this paper asks: How do the characteristics of transnational networks contribute to civil society engagement in regional governance in SADC? The paper employs a comparative case study design focussing on civil society engagement in two policy sectors: gender, and employment and labour. Using an interview-based approach to social network analysis (SNA), we map the two policy networks surrounding the implementation of Article 8 of the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, which aims to end the practise of early marriage, and the ongoing ratification of the SADC Protocol on Employment and Labour. We complement the social network analysis with semi-structured interviews with a variety of stakeholders, including civil society, donors, researchers, and national and regional policy-makers in Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia. The findings reaffirm the state-centric nature of SADC and the difficulties for civil society to engage meaningfully. We also find notable differences in the civil society networks involved in the two policy sectors: The gender sector is driven by civil society organisations (CSOs) and financed by donors, with member states playing a relatively minor role, whereas member states are central players in employment and labour. The gender network is highly centralised, with one central CSO performing a coordinating role, whereas the labour and employment network is very dense and shaped by many interactions between different actors with diverse political aims. The findings suggest a trade-off between a hierarchical, centralised network that is efficient when it comes to sharing resources, versus a dense, consensus-finding network that mitigates potential conflicts. The networks for both policy sectors also suggest that the SADC Secretariat is more accountable to donors than CSOs, a reflection of SADC's dependence on donor funds. We find that many of the challenges to civil society found at the national level in developing countries are replicated at the regional level. Questions surrounding the extra-regional funding of CSOs, their representativeness and their legitimacy pose great challenges to civil society networks. Nevertheless, civil society networks have the potential to act as drivers of people-centred regionalism, but so long as the institutions and organisational culture of SADC remain a "closed shop", their potential will go unrealised.

Since the 1990s, international and regional organisations have responded to calls to open up to civil society. Some, however, remain relatively inaccessible. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) is one of those regional organisations that seems to have resisted opening up, making it a "tough test" for civil society engagement. Yet, even in this difficult regional context, we observe the existence of transnational civil society networks that aim to engage and influence regional governance, although there are notable differences across policy sectors. It is likely that the characteristics of these civil society networks have an effect on civil society participation in, and engagement with, regional governance. Against this background, this paper asks: How do the characteristics of transnational networks contribute to civil society engagement in regional governance in SADC? The paper employs a comparative case study design focussing on civil society engagement in two policy sectors: gender, and employment and labour. Using an interview-based approach to social network analysis (SNA), we map the two policy networks surrounding the implementation of Article 8 of the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development, which aims to end the practise of early marriage, and the ongoing ratification of the SADC Protocol on Employment and Labour. We complement the social network analysis with semi-structured interviews with a variety of stakeholders, including civil society, donors, researchers, and national and regional policy-makers in Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa and Zambia. The findings reaffirm the state-centric nature of SADC and the difficulties for civil society to engage meaningfully. We also find notable differences in the civil society networks involved in the two policy sectors: The gender sector is driven by civil society organisations (CSOs) and financed by donors, with member states playing a relatively minor role, whereas member states are central players in employment and labour. The gender network is highly centralised, with one central CSO performing a coordinating role, whereas the labour and employment network is very dense and shaped by many interactions between different actors with diverse political aims. The findings suggest a trade-off between a hierarchical, centralised network that is efficient when it comes to sharing resources, versus a dense, consensus-finding network that mitigates potential conflicts. The networks for both policy sectors also suggest that the SADC Secretariat is more accountable to donors than CSOs, a reflection of SADC's dependence on donor funds. We find that many of the challenges to civil society found at the national level in developing countries are replicated at the regional level. Questions surrounding the extra-regional funding of CSOs, their representativeness and their legitimacy pose great challenges to civil society networks. Nevertheless, civil society networks have the potential to act as drivers of people-centred regionalism, but so long as the institutions and organisational culture of SADC remain a "closed shop", their potential will go unrealised.