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It is argued that in much of Africa, the barriers to entry for rebel movements are far too low. Rebel leaders don't need to turn to civilians for resources necessary to overthrow weak states, meaning war is cheap, and legitimacy doesn't depend on popular support, but rather on achieving control of the capital city. Adapted from the source document.

How does the resource base of a rebel group impact its membership, structure, and behavior? While scholars, analysts, and policy makers increasingly link natural resources to the onset and duration of civil war, this article explores how resource endowments shape the character and conduct of rebel groups. This article identifies a rebel "resource curse" much like the one that undermines state institutions in resource-rich environments. While the presence of economic endowments makes it possible for leaders to recruit on the basis of short-term rewards, these groups are flooded with opportunistic joiners who exhibit little commitment to the long-term goals of the organization. In resource-poor environments, leaders attract new recruits by drawing on social ties to make credible promises about the private rewards that will come with victory. Opportunistic joiners stay away from these movements, leaving a pool of activist recruits willing to invest their time and energy in the hope of reaping large gains in the future.

In its relations with Peru, the United States has historically placed
greatest emphasis on fighting the war on drugs. As Sendero Luminoso,
The Shining Path, led an insurgency against the Peruvian government in
the 1980s and 1990s, the United States provided ample support against
the terrorists located in the jungle, especially those participating
in the drug trade. But Peru's victory over terrorism then was due
more to improved police intelligence and increased public investment,
rather than success in the war on drugs. Now, in the midst of economic
troubles and a difficult transition back to democracy in Peru, the
Shining Path has made a resurgence. The United States again faces a
choice about how to proceed—to continue focusing on the war on
drugs or to provide sustained levels of investment in Peru's economy
and political institutions, thereby turning this war on terror into a
war on poverty.

In its relations with Peru, the US has historically placed greatest emphasis on fighting the war on drugs. As Sendero Luminoso, the Shining Path, led an insurgency against the Peruvian government in the 1980s & 1990s, the US provided ample support against the terrorists located in the jungle, especially those participating in the drug trade. But Peru's victory over terrorism then was due more to improved police intelligence & increased public investment; rather than success in the war on drugs. Now, in the midst of economic troubles & a difficult transition back to democracy in Peru, the Shining Path has made a resurgence. The US again faces a choice about how to proceed -- to continue focusing on the war on drugs or to provide sustained levels of investment in Peru's economy & political institutions, thereby turning this war on terror into a war on poverty. 1 Map. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractScholarship on human rights diplomacy (HRD)—efforts by government officials to engage publicly and privately with their foreign counterparts—often focuses on actions taken to "name and shame" target countries because private diplomatic activities are unobservable. To understand how HRD works in practice, we explore a campaign coordinated by the US government to free twenty female political prisoners. We compare release rates of the featured women to two comparable groups: a longer list of women considered by the State Department for the campaign; and other women imprisoned simultaneously in countries targeted by the campaign. Both approaches suggest that the campaign was highly effective. We consider two possible mechanisms through which expressive public HRD works: by imposing reputational costs and by mobilizing foreign actors. However, in-depth interviews with US officials and an analysis of media coverage find little evidence of these mechanisms. Instead, we argue that public pressure resolved deadlock within the foreign policy bureaucracy, enabling private diplomacy and specific inducements to secure the release of political prisoners. Entrepreneurial bureaucrats leveraged the spotlight on human rights abuses to overcome competing equities that prevent government-led coercive diplomacy on these issues. Our research highlights the importance of understanding the intersection of public and private diplomacy before drawing inferences about the effectiveness of HRD.