Suchergebnisse

"This volume provides a state-of-the-art analysis on the fourth wave of far-right politics in Germany by leading scholars in the field. Innovatively, the book focuses not only on the role of the electoral breakthrough of AfD, the Federal Republic's first-ever nationally established far-right party, but also on the many crucial instances of non-party activism, such as the 'New Right' intellectual circles, PEGIDA street protest, and political violence. For a long time, Germany was regarded as an exceptional case because of the lack of an established far-right party on the national level. Times have changed - but Germany still remains unique. The book highlights four features that continue to make the case exceptional within western Europe: (I) The strong diversity of vibrant far-right political players in Germany and their many interconnections, (II) the electoral success of AfD, i.e. the delayed electoral breakthrough of a far-right party on the national level, (III) the importance of 'militant democracy', specifically how established players have responded to AfD, and (IV) the relevance of the east-west divide for understanding far-right politics in Germany. Contributions on these topics highlight the broader theoretical relevance of the analysis of the German far-right, connecting to many research questions that have occupied scholars also in other contexts. The book is essential reading for all those with an interest in the far right, German and European politics, as well as in the interconnections between political parties, social movements, and subcultural milieus"

AbstractThis article analyses the impact of the animal rights movement fifty years after the publication of Peter Singer's landmark book Animal Liberation in 1975. Examining the gains and losses of this vibrant social movement, the article takes a broad international perspective and makes the following key arguments: First, despite comprehensive animal welfare policies, state regulation has so far remained rather ineffective in reducing animal suffering, especially in those areas where most animals are being harmed. Second, consumer choices, lifestyles and markets have changed substantially, most importantly reflected in the recent rise of veganism—but only relatively small numbers of people have made the choice to abstain from most or even all animal products. Third, long‐term economic and demographic trends in human society constitute crucial challenges for reducing animal suffering globally. Fourth and lastly, cultured meat may offer significant potential for animal advocates to make future gains if some important obstacles can be overcome.

ZusammenfassungSoziale Bewegungen prägen zeitgenössische Gesellschaften. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert die wesentlichen Erkenntnisse der internationalen Bewegungs- und Protestforschung und ordnet den Forschungsstand ein. Das Ziel ist es, die Aufmerksamkeit sozialwissenschaftlicher Forschung verstärkt auf Politik "auf der Straße" zu lenken. Dabei fokussiert der Artikel auf vier zentrale Fragestellungen: die definitorische Annäherung an das Phänomenon (was sind soziale Bewegungen?), ihre Formierung (wann und warum entstehen soziale Bewegungen?), ihre Aktionsformen (wie agieren soziale Bewegungen?) sowie ihre Auswirkungen (welchen Einfluss haben soziale Bewegungen?). Abschließend plädiert der Beitrag für eine enge Verknüpfung von Bewegungs- und Protestforschung mit der Parteienforschung und der politischen Soziologie. Protest ist nicht bloß l'art pour l'art: Ohne eine Bezugnahme auf Parteipolitik und Gesellschaftsanalyse bleibt das Verständnis von sozialen Bewegungen begrenzt. Andererseits würde die Analyse von (Partei‑)Politik und gesellschaftlichen Makro-Entwicklungen von einer verstärkten Berücksichtigung sozialer Bewegungen profitieren.

ZusammenfassungPolitische Akteur*innen sind lebhafte Produzent*innen von medialen Produkten und stellen sie dabei oft als Alternative zu etablierten traditionellen Medien dar. Seit geraumer Zeit stehen dabei nicht mehr linke Projekte, sondern "alternative Nachrichten" von rechts außen im Zentrum der Debatte. Dieser Artikel analysiert mit PI News eine der populärsten dieser Plattformen in Deutschland. Untersucht wird die Entwicklung ihrer Popularität und ihre Klassifizierung als rechts außen auf Basis des ideologischen Schwerpunkts und der Vernetzung mit weiteren Rechtsaußen-Akteur*innen. Ebenso prüft diese Studie inwiefern oftmals vernachlässigte Entwicklungen der zeitgenössischen Rechtsaußen-Politik eine Rolle in der Berichterstattung spielen: die Identifikation mit einer europäischen Identität, die Bezugnahme auf gesellschaftspolitisch liberale Werte und der Aufstieg des Umwelt-Themas. Dabei wird die Bedeutung alternativer Medien für den zeitgenössischen "Rechtspopulismus" kritisch reflektiert.

AbstractThis article sheds light on one of the key developments in recent German politics and relates it to the broader debate on the electoral success of the far right. The rise of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany) is also a story about Germany's internal political divide three decades after reunification, as the party has roughly twice as much support in the east than in the west. The article analyses the country's east‐west divide, strongly visible in widespread sentiments of societal marginalisation among eastern Germans. The key socio‐structural differences between the east and the west relate to matters of economics, migration, and representation—and provide a setting suitable to AfD strength in the east. In explaining the party's electoral success in eastern Germany, the article echoes recent scholarship which rejects narrow explanations for the strength of 'populism', and instead highlights its multiple causes.

Research on the European Citizens' Initiative has neglected the crucial role of social movements. This article contributes to the study of mobilization strategies and campaign consequences through two novel arguments: First, in explaining successful mobilization, I argue that the European Citizens' Initiative as a political opportunity structure incentivizes the organization of nationally focused campaigns centred in at least one large, that is, populous state, instead of Europe-wide activism. Second, in explaining the multiple consequences of European Citizens' Initiative mobilization, I show that a campaign may have important, often unintended, effects beyond (the failure to achieve) policy change, including disappointment with the democratic process leading to European Citizens' Initiative reform and a renewed focus on national politics. This article provides an in-depth analysis of one of the only five European Citizens' Initiative campaigns that have been able to collect the required one million signatures, while referring to other campaigns as shadow cases. The findings have important implications for debates on EU democracy.

Recently, scholars have shown a growing interest in radical left parties (RLPs). In terms of electoral success, the rise of the KPÖ Graz, the Communist Party in Austria's second biggest city, represents perhaps the most counterintuitive case in Western Europe. Adding to previous studies, the rise of the KPÖ Graz contradicts many of the claims made and patterns found about the conditions for the electoral success of RLPs. While the national KPÖ was voted out of parliament in 1959, the Graz branch has been a member of local government since 1998. Since then, the party has managed to gain 20 per cent of the vote in three out of four elections. In 2017, the KPÖ defended its place as the second largest party in local legislature and stayed ahead of the radical right FPÖ, on the rise at the national level. In stark contrast to the Communists' current strength, however, they did not gain even 2 per cent of the vote in 1983. This analysis shows how the party has managed to 'own' the issue of housing and to exploit local political opportunities in order to be electorally successful. The findings point to the importance of agency and the subnational level for RLPs, and highlight more general questions in the study of this party family.

AbstractResearch has emphasised the importance of far‐right transnationalism, in terms of both ideology and practice. Yet, the literature lacks a comprehensive analysis of how far‐right actors themselves reflect their transnational practices (or lack thereof), such as party‐level exchange, joint protest events, or online communication. Drawing on original interview data from Germany and Norway, our research unveils that while far‐right 'nationalists' generally endorse transnational activities, only a minority actively participates. The interviewees perceive transnational practices as opportunities for strategic learning, showcasing of collective strength, and networking. Simultaneously, they express concerns about being associated with extremists and getting entangled in conflict‐ridden areas. Theoretically, we discuss the role of ideology and everyday life as well as the importance of only limited strategic incentives for understanding far‐right transnationalism. In doing so, we draw parallels to experiences made by left‐wing actors. Moreover, we underline the potential of Granovetter's 'strength of weak ties' for far‐right diffusion.

ZusammenfassungDer politische Konflikt um den Klimawandel bestimmt die deutsche Politik. Dieser Artikel untersucht die oftmals vernachlässigte Rolle der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in dieser Auseinandersetzung und zeigt, dass rechtspopulistische Parteien keine "single-issue"-Parteien sind. Dabei wird sowohl die Angebots- als auch die Nachfrageseite beleuchtet. Der Artikel fokussiert zunächst auf das klimapolitische Angebot der AfD und diskutiert, wie sie, im starken Gegensatz zu ihren Mitbewerber*innen, den anthropogenen Klimawandel leugnet und welche konkreten energiepolitischen Themen sie dabei in den Mittelpunkt stellt. Im Anschluss zeigt der Artikel, dass die Positionierung der AfD mit den Ansichten ihrer Wähler*innen im Einklang steht. Das Angebot korrespondiert mit der Nachfrage: "Klimaskeptische" Teile der deutschen Bevölkerung sympathisieren verstärkt mit der AfD. Das betrifft nicht nur allgemeine Ansichten zur Existenz des menschengemachten Klimawandels, sondern auch konkret den Ausbau der Produktion erneuerbarer Energie oder den Atom- und Kohleausstieg. Dabei bildet die AfD den klaren Gegenpol zu den Sympathisant*innen von Bündnis 90/Die Grünen. Abschließend diskutiert der Beitrag die Implikationen dieser Ergebnisse, insbesondere in Bezug auf aktuelle Debatten rund um gesellschaftliche Konfliktlinien und zunehmende Polarisierung.