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This paper analyses the place of Louis XIV's medals, and texts that describe them, in French international diplomacy during the reign of le Roi Soleil. When the ambassadors of King Phra Narai of Siam came to France in 1686 they brought with them lavish gifts to honor their royal host. Among the many items the Siamese ambassadors received in return as they toured the king's domains were large gold and silver medals struck to commemorate the grandeur of Louis XIV. These medals were presented in lavishly decorated cases along with written explanations of their iconography. Likewise, when Louis XIV's ambassador to Persia, Pierre-Victor Michel, was sent to Isfahan in the early-eighteenth century he took with him large silver medals of Louis XIV along with a copy of Médailles sur les principaux événements du règne de Louis le Grand translated into Persian by François Pétis de la Croix. Analysis of the iconography of the medals chosen to represent Louis XIV and his nation to foreign courts will be presented here alongside an examination of archival material relating to the production and distribution of these medals as diplomatic gifts. This study reveals the political message that medals could convey as part of a sophisticated diplomatic engagement between France and her foreign allies. Moreover, it provides an insight into the dissemination of Louis XIV's histoire métallique as a means to perpetuate the history of the king beyond the confines of ancien régime France.

O controle externo do Tribunal de Contas da União (TCU) sobre o Programa de Desenvolvimento de Submarinos da Marinha do Brasil (PROSUB) contribui para a aderên- cia às regras de conformidade e para o aperfeiçoamento dos instrumentos de gestão, sobretudo no que se refere à transferência de tecnologia. O permanente esforço para aperfeiçoar métodos de trabalho e mitigar riscos induz a elevação do nível de gestão programática, permitindo à Administração Pública brasileira superar sua inicial imaturidade na condução de programas estratégicos de alta complexidade na área da Defesa. O controle externo contribui, ainda, para a transparência no uso dos recursos públicos destinados ao PROSUB e para a reafirmação de sua importância em termos do incremento nas capacida- des da Defesa e da absorção de tecnologias avançadas, com isso favorecendo sua legitimação junto à sociedade brasileira.

If one analyses the genocide in South Sudan from the definition by Travis (2008: 01), according to which genocide is "often the outcome acts designed to enrich a dominant racial, ethnic, religious or political group at the expense of smaller, weaker, or supposedly 'inferior' groups that possess valuable lands, monies, labour, or other resources", it is possible to argue that the current genocide in South Sudan cannot be simplistically reduced to the failure of the newest state on the African continent to establish a functional bureaucracy or reduce it simply to ethnic conflict between the Dinka and Nuer. The genocide in South Sudan is a product of a process that has a long and complex history but one which has been ignored because those who can take meaningful action are benefiting from the mass murder as an economic policy. This article rejects the current media agenda which downplays the oil factor as a key contributor to the ongoing genocide, while amplifying the ethnicity card as an escapist way of exonerating the international failure to deal with and recognise a catastrophic genocide executed purely for economic reasons. Opsomming Wanneer 'n mens die volksmoord in Suid-Soedan ontleed op grond van die om­skrywing deur Travis (2008: 01), waarvolgens volksmoord "dikwels die uitkoms-handelinge is wat ontwerp is om 'n dominante ras, etniese, religieuse of politieke groep te verryk ten koste van kleiner, swakker of kwansuis 'ondergeskikte' groepe wat waardevolle grond, geld, arbeid of ander hulpbronne besit", kan daar geredeneer word dat die huidige volksmoord in Suid Soedan nie simplisties gereduseer kan word tot die versuim van die jongste staat op die Afrika kontinent om as funksionele burokrasie te vestig of om dit eenvoudig as etniese konflik tussen die Dinka en Nuer af te maak nie. Die volksmoord in Suid Soedan is 'n produk van 'n proses wat 'n lang, komplekse geskiedenis gehad het; en wat geignoreer is omdat diegene wat sinvol kan ingryp, voordeel trek uit die massamoord as 'n ekonomiese beleid. Hierdie ...

According to Tusón (2016), there are two different discursive styles: a female style and a male style. Both of them have been adapted due to the roles that women and men have, historically, played in society. Nevertheless, Lakoff (1981) concludes that this fact happens because of the frequency rather than total presence or absence. This difference is more evident in fields that once were reserved only for men. This is the reason why, this article attempts to determine, whether a higher frequency of women dabbling in military environments influences female language, through aspects, such as: military training, belonging, biases, vernacular forms, among others. On the other hand, the investigations of Coates (1996) and Holmes (1995) conclude that the more polite character of female speech is positively valued as a communicative ability, which shows sensitivity towards the listener's needs. Thus, this descriptive research, which collected data by means of recorded interviews and surveys. will allow us to analyze the usefulness of women's language skills in Ecuadorian military contexts. Finally, this research highlights some aspects that might be taken into account by women who would like to join the military in the future, providing them with useful guidelines that might contribute to a better mainstreaming. ; De acuerdo a (Tusón, 2016) existen dos estilos discursivos diferentes: un estilo femenino y un estilo masculino. Ambos estilos han tomado forma debido a las funciones que mujeres y hombres han desempeñado históricamente en la sociedad. No obstante, (Lakoff, 1981) concluye que su aparición entraña un problema de frecuencia más que de presencia o ausencia totales. Esta diferencia es más evidente en campos que se creían exclusivos para los hombres, y es la razón por la cual este artículo busca determinar si una mayor frecuencia de mujeres incursionando a entornos militares influye en el lenguaje femenino, por medio de aspectos como: entrenamiento militar, pertenencia, prejuicios, formas vernaculares, entre otros. Por otra parte, las investigaciones de (Coates 1996 & Holmes 1995) concluyen que el carácter más cortés del habla femenino se valora positivamente como una habilidad comunicativa, que demuestra sensibilidad hacia las necesidades de imagen del interlocutor. Es así que esta investigación descriptiva, donde se recolectaron datos mediante entrevistas grabadas y encuestas, nos permitirá analizar la utilidad de las habilidades lingüísticas de las mujeres en entornos castrenses ecuatorianos. Finalmente, esta investigación señala algunos aspectos que podrían ser considerados por las mujeres que a futuro incursionarán en la vida militar, brindándoles pautas útiles que contribuirán a una mejor integración.

This article aims at the production of maps applied to governance studies using the R programing language. We have written a code which can be used perfectly for other graphical representations related to the making of cartographies, geoprocessing and statistical models. Our debate indicates how important the visual models are showing their relevance for different fields of knowledge such as political science, public policies, law, history, biology, public health, medicine and urban planning among others. It is also an invitation to quantitative analysis for governance studies since different kinds of investigation on the matter are conducted without much image support or geo-interfaces. With reference to inter/transdisciplinary research, we call the attention to the fact that the production of applied research is intimately connected to different actors, perspectives and know-how. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo la producción de mapas aplicados a los estudios de gobernanza utilizando el lenguaje de programación R. Hemos escrito un código que puede usarse perfectamente para otras representaciones gráficas relacionadas con la realización de cartografías, geoprocesamiento y modelos estadísticos. Nuestro debate indica cuán importantes son los modelos visuales que muestran su relevancia para diferentes campos del conocimiento, tales como ciencias políticas, políticas públicas, derecho, historia, biología, salud pública, medicina y planificación urbana, entre otros. También es una invitación al análisis cuantitativo para los estudios de gobernanza, ya que se realizan diferentes tipos de investigación sobre el tema sin mucho soporte de imágenes o geointerfaces. Con referencia a la investigación inter / transdisciplinaria, llamamos la atención sobre el hecho de que la producción de investigación aplicada está íntimamente conectada con diferentes actores, perspectivas y conocimientos. ; O presente artigo tem como objetivo a produção de mapas aplicados a estudos de governança com o auxílio da linguagem de programação em R. Escrevemos um código que pode ser usado perfeitamente para outras representações gráficas relacionadas à criação de cartografias, geoprocessamento e modelos estatísticos. O debate proposto indica quão importante são os modelos visuais, uma vez que é relevante em diferentes campos do conhecimento como ciência política, políticas públicas, direito, história, biologia, saúde pública, medicina e planejamento urbano entre outros. É também um convite à análise quantitativa para estudos de governança, já que muitas formas de pesquisa sobre o tema ocorrem sem muito suporte de imagens ou interfaces geográficas. Quanto à pesquisa inter/transdisciplinar, ressaltamos o fato de que a produção da pesquisa aplicada está intimamente relacionada a distintos atores, perspectivas e saberes.

Cultural efforts to mobilise populations behind the war in Britain and its Dominions, Canada and Australia – especially through the exhibition of war trophies – solidified after the Armistice into state-supported institutions creating and promoting a culture of victory. This culture was most pronounced, and most centralised, in Australia. Wartime propaganda institutions grew into national war museums which effectively froze the victorious national war effort, and the moment of triumph, in three-dimensional form. The institutions, and the people who ran them, did not demobilise with the peace. These museums used substantially the same objects and techniques they had used in wartime to support the war effort to create a postwar narrative in which victory established a clear (and martial) national identity, and also justified the war itself. At the same time, the narrative of a British imperial victory was used to create claims of unity which denied the reality of divisions in society. Trophies wrested from wartime enemies were used as pride-inducing objects to fundraise for peace, and fashioned into war memorials that were at once sites of mourning and monuments celebrating military dominance. Visions of postwar peace and progress could not be disentangled from victory and the violence that enabled it.