Suchergebnisse

The great changes that followed the year 1989 in Poland, threw the structures of then existing and functioning authorities into disarray and gave the origin of brand new decisionmaking centres. The radical change influenced the range and territorial reach of administrative, judicial and municipal authorities. The problem appears to be more absorbing when adding that after 1989 numerous conceptions of the new territorial and administrative division of the country were published. These structural changes are after all characteristic for periods of governmental transformations in every political system. And the spatial division of a country always exerts an influence on shaping social and economic relations, together with communication system in a particular region. The problem of the new territorial division has been always presented during the times of political transformations. The old decisive centres were destroyed and the new ones are formed in the altered political, social and economic scenery of Poland after 1989. Owing to administrative division of the country, the shape of social and economic relations and communication system changes, this is why it seems challenging to study the influence of administrative divisions on modelling provincials' and administrative districts' authorities. There have been repeated changes in number and structure of territorial division in Poland between 1945 and 1996. From political and economic reasons, the new administrative centres were formed. Some attempts were made to decentralise the government, as the effect however, its centralisation took place. In order to study spatial influence of the authorities, variability of the centres and connections between different dimensions of the governments, there have been pointed out a couple of aims to be reached during the research. One of the aims was to mark presently and previously functioning territorial arrangement in reference to historical and geographical lands and economic regions. Giving a try to study territorial measurement in relation to political, religious, social and economic structures. Presenting the changes in spatial differentiation of political, economical, catholic church, administrative and judicial, before and after 1989, and self- governmental power after its one year functioning, centres of power. There have been put a lot of efforts in the research to demonstrate spatial differentiation of centres of power during the times of political transformation. The attempt has been made to describe and explain the process of territorial distribution of authorities, on a local level (administrative units), and on over-regional level (province) understood as functioning informal connections between the representatives of political power, administrative and self-governed centres. The last aim of the research was to show the factors forming provincials' and administrative centres' of real power and its changes after 1989. ; Tomasz Wiskulski

Es gibt im Zivil-, Straf- und öffentlichen Recht eine Vielzahl besonderer Vorrechte zugunsten von Massenmedien. In dem vorliegenden Buch wird detailliert aufgelistet und analysiert, wie diese Privilegien ausgestaltet sind und was deren Gründe sind. Denn schließlich wird kein Privileg um seiner selbst willen gewährt. Zugleich erfolgt eine medienrechtliche Auseinandersetzung mit dem neuen § 238 StGB gegen Stalking. Das Buch sucht nach den Gründen, weshalb in diesem Straftatbestand kein Medienprivileg aufgenommen wurde und inwieweit dadurch die Tätigkeit der Medienschaffenden bei Erfüllung der so genannten "öffentlichen Aufgabe" der Medien beeinträchtigt oder sogar eingeschränkt wird. (Quelle: Text Verlagseinband / Verlag)

The great changes, which take place at Poland on 1989, threw the structure of then existing and functioning authorities into disarray and gave the origin of brand new decision-making centres in spatial aspect. The radical change influenced the range and territorial reach of administrative Judicial and municipal authorities. These structural changes are typical for periods of governmental transformation in every political system. As we know, the spatial division of a country always exerts an influence on shaping social and economic relations, together with communications system in a particular region. ; Marcin Polom

Oradea during the period of the socialistic regime played a role of an important industrial and administrative centre. Nowadays, Oradea with its about 210 thousand citizens, can be a good example of the religion changes. The religion changes, which take place in Oradea, have had a typical run, characteristic for multi – ethnic cities. The border location of Oradea is conductive to intermingles the religion, ideas, people, capital and the western style of life, which makes the rate of the changes faster in comparison to the rest of Romanian cities of Banat, Crişana, Maramures and Transilvania. This article has presented analyse of changes at the ethnical and religions structures at the city, to show the process of changes social structures of Oradea, which is similar to many Romanian cities. The range of the changes together with the before existing process seems to deepen. For one, the process of Hungarian, German and Jewish minorities' migration is creally seen. And heavy influenced at the religion structure of the city. We cane observe growing role of new churches like: Adventist, Evangelic CA, Pentecostal, Baptist, and Evangelic PS., weakness of Roman-Catholic Church and even slowly degrees of Orthodox Church. There is a strong correlation between migration process, changing the ethnical structure and the process of changing the religion ones, especially at the case of Hungarians, Jewish and Germans minorities.

Romanian Railways have a history for more than 125 years. During all this period, the railway was a major factor in technical and sometimes even economic progress of the society. It also has been the factor of stability that could not have been influenced by political events. On August 20th, 1854, the railway Oravita-Bazias, in length of 62,5 km, was inaugurated only for the coal transport. It was the first railway built on today Romanian territory. The first railway Buzau - Marasesti built by Romanian engineers. Next connections between Bucuresti-Ploiesti-Buzau-Galati-Barbosi-Tecuci-Marasesti-Roman-Suceava railway are opened on September 13th, 1872. The lack of the connection between Buzau and Marasesti was realised for the first time during the military transport during the Independence War (1877-1878), especially because a part of the railway in Barbosi-Braila area could have been blocked any time by the Turkish army on the Danube. Buzau-Marasesti railway was the first railway in Romania, designed and built by the Romanian intelligence. In 1913, the professor I.S.Gheorghiu designed the first project of electrification for Sinaia-Pietrosita track and a project for the extension of electrification on Sinaia-Preadeal transom. The General CFR Direction sustained thatthe electrification for Bucharest-Brasov track, as a principal method of enhancement of the transport capacity represented the main priority. National Railway Company "CFR" SA is concerned constantly of rehabilitation (this implies major repairs and modernisation of the requirements of interoperability with the neighbouring countries so that not being excluded from the international transport) of the railway transoms included in the European transport routes. In order to satisfy, in optimal way, the public and social interest through different services and products and for its integration in European transport system, it is necessary the organisation, implementation and maintenance of a quality endurance system, depending on national and international reglamentations. To achieve and maintain the proposed quality at an optimal cost represents a necessity for CFR; to achieve this aspect of quality implies an efficient utilisation of technological, human and material available resources of the company. Thus, a main objective represents to achieve the quality, aspect underlined also in ISO international standards in 9000 Series. The confidence in the company's capacity represents for the client the guarantee that he will be provided the expected quality. To make CFR's provided services become more efficient imply a strong connection between three system's factors: the responsibility of company's management, material and human resources, the structure of quality service and the communications with clients. These main marks imply some quality and related activity objectives like: - systematic definition of client necessities; - preventive controls to avoid the client dissatisfaction regarding performance, security and confidence of service; - quality optimisation regarding the costs for the level and performances of required service; - continuous concern regarding the requirements and news related to the offered service in order to determine the modalities of quality improvement; - preventive of negative effects of the company on the society and environment. ; Marcin Polom

Après la crise du système socialiste dans la Russie soviétique et l'Europe centrale, un nouveau gouvernement issu d'élections parlementaires démocratiques avait rapidement décidé de mener des réformes de la vie politique et concernant l'organisation de la société. Cependant, les orientations politiques des gouvernements qui ont suivi, et le blocage de la réforme par les membres du nouvel ex-parti communiste (en Lituanie, Pologne, Roumanie, Slovaquie et Ukraine par exemple) ont entraîné dans les pays d'Europe centrale, des choix différents pour mener les réformes et les changements de sociétés. Tous les pays tentent de changer leur situation géopolitique et leurs structures politique et économique. Au cours des dix dernières années, on peut observer une transformation lente de la vie politique des pays d'Europe centrale et l'apparition de nouvelles organisations typiques des pays de l'Union Européenne (eurorégions, ONG). Aujourd'hui, après l'adhésion de trois pays d'Europe Centrale (la République tchèque, la Hongrie et la Pologne), la plupart de ces pays essaient de faire un pas de plus vers l'Europe occidentale, et de mener à bien les négociations avec la Commission européenne (c'est le cas de la Slovénie, de l'Estonie, de la République tchèque et de la Hongrie). Dans beaucoup de pays, sont apparues les mêmes institutions démocratiques. La perception de ces institutions, de nouvelles idées politiques et la construction de nouvelles structures politiques et économiques dépend de l'économie, mais aussi du processus géographique de diffusion. Cela apparaît notamment lorsque nous observons comment le système démocratique a été introduit dans certains pays de l'Europe centrale. ; After the crisis of socialistic system in Soviet Russia and Central Europe, a new government chosen in democratic parliamentary election quickly decided to carry out reforms at political life and organization of society. However, changeable political courses of the following cabinets, and the blockage of the reform by new-old communistic party members (for example Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Ukraine) caused that we can observe in most of countries at the region of Central Europe, different way of improving reforms and changing societies. All countries try to change their geopolitical situations and try to change their economical and political structure. During last ten years we can observe slowly changing political life in Central European countries and a new, typical for European Union countries organizations (e.g. euroregions, NGO). Now, after three of them join NATO (Czech republic, Hungary and Poland), most of them try to do next step on way to Western Europe, and to finish negotiation process with European Commission (Slovenia, Estonia, Czech Republic and Hungary). At many countries, there have been appeared same new democratic institutions. Perception of this institution, of new political ideas and building new political and economical structure depend on economical, but as well geographical process of diffusion. It is seen especially when we observe, how democratic system has been established in chosen country at the Central Europe Region. ; Nach der Krise des sozialistischen Systems im sowjetischen Russland und in Mitteleuropa hat eine neue, aus demokratischen Parlamentswahlen hervorgegangene Regierung rasch entschieden, Reformen des politischen Lebens sowie der gesellschaftlichen Organisation durchzuführen. Dabei haben in den mitteleuropäischen Ländern die politischen Ausrichtungen der nachfolgenden Regierungen sowie der Widerstand gegen die Reformen von Seiten der Mitglieder der neuen ex-kommunistischen Partei (z.B. in Litauen, Polen, Rumänien, Slowakei, Ukraine) zu unterschiedlichen Entscheidungen bezüglich der Durchführung der Reformen und des gesellschaftlichen Wandels geführt. Alle Länder versuchen, ihre geopoirtische Situation sowie ihre politischen und wirtschaftlichen Strukturen zu verändern. Im Laufe der letzten zehn Jahre konnte man eine langsame Transformation des politischen Lebens der mitteleuropäischen Länder beobachten, ferner das Aufkommen neuer, für die Europäische Union typischer Organisationsformen (Euroregionen, NRO). Heute, nach der Anbindung dreier mitteleuropäischen Länder (Tschechische Republik, Ungarn, Polen), versucht die Mehrzahl der Länder, einen weiteren Schritt in Richtung Westeuropa zu machen und die Verhandlungen mit der Europäischen Kommission gut zu führen (dies ist der Fall in Slowenien, Estland, der Tschechischen Republik und Ungarn), in vielen Ländern sind die selben demokratischen Institutionen entstanden. Die Wahrnehmung dieser Institutionen, neue politische Ideen sowie der Aufbau neuer politischer und ökonomischer Strukturen hängen von der Wirtschaft ab, aber auch vom Prozess der geographischen Diffusion. Dies wird besonders deutlich, wenn man beobachtet, wie das demokratische System in gewissen Ländern Mitteleuropas eingeführt wurde. ; Marcin Polom

The transborder co-operation, which has existed in the Western Europe since the 1950s, developed in Poland after the year 1990. After ten years, some euroregions came into existence nearly on the all length of the Polish borders. The transborder co-operation is just being planned or developed in the regions. Generally, the co-operation with different regions lying on the other side of the country's border is established in the reason of some local societies. But in the last ten years, since the first euroregion was created, some clear trends of its development can be indicated. After introducing the new administrative system in 1999, the communal and provincial competencies have changed, new territorial structures - the districts were introduced and the number of provinces was reduced. Considering the territorial administration changes and the institutionalisation of the transborder co-operation, the country's administrative division will influence the development of economic, ecological and transport connections now existing or in potential euroregions. Therefore, it is important to know in what rate the new administrative structure has adopted the area and its economical potential of the provinces to the co-operation and competitions with similar regions bordering with Poland. Estimation of the today's transborder co-operation and the influences of administrative division on the possibilities of Polish development are also very important. ; Marcin Polom

After the years of silence and after avoidance of geopolitical researches and its subdisciplines, a renascence of his knowledge has come out. In the latest past years, we can notice a conspicuous increase of interest in nearly all kinds of researches, which are made by political geographers including people who deal with geostrategical and geopolitical problems. When we talk about Poland we must say that the increased interest is a result of breaking a kind of taboo - taboo, which refereed to the works of this sphere. Firstly, that the works were connected with the Third Reich polities and propaganda, and secondly, because of the easy way of censorship explanation, very common while making controversial studies in Poland during communistic times. The past ten years were abounding in accidents connected with boarder's changes and changes of geopolitical and geostrategical circumstances. Also, this is a period of time when the USSR fell into pieces, the European Community came into being, the process of globalisation has been progressing, and equally, a strong separatist and national movements have been developing not only in Europe. So, it's natural that interest in those problems has been native. Leaving back the classical fields of political geography, for instance: electoral geography or ecopolitic, we can surly state, we are just victims of a dynamic investigate development. The development refers to the rest geopolitical ranges - geostrategy and geopolitics, in particular. Because of that fount, it seems to be useful to tide up some notions connected with there disciplines and indicate the basic exploring methods of the occurrences shown in geostrategical and geopolitical works. To tide up all this vast matter - both subdisciplines have interdisciplinary character - a returning to the roots of those disciplines and indicating the original investigated methods were decided - particularly those which were dominated during the Second World War - were put into practise by the general geopolitical and geostrategical research workers. Next, J am going to present the research methods in English spoken countries and in comparison to them, currents researches being made in Poland. My intention is indicate the most common using of conceptions, investigated methods and talking about them in critical way in the aspect of geopolitical and geostrategical research development in Poland and Europe, especially the central Europe. ; Marcin Polom

The geopolitical location of Poland in Central Europe determines the role of platform between the countries of Western and Eastern Europe. This location nowadays and very probably access to Eropean Union's structures and the NATO in near future will support the development of economic relations in Eastern Europe and will enable an additional source of income for the country by transit including through the sea ports. To make this development real it's necessary to expand the transport infrastructure for all means of transport because its present weakness is a barrier for goods transportation and it negatively influences the development of the region and the country - it's irrevocable condition of effective transport policy performing to consider the transit policy. The analysis of changes in transit services realization in Polish ports makes conclude that the transport and transit policy is inefficacious or even there's no such a policy. The statistical data show that the turnover broke down in 1991. The evident transit decreasing in railway transport and inland shipping caused by modification of Polish geopolitical location, economic transformation process in Central Europe, the fall of Soviet Union and Council for Mutual Economic Aid had the unprofitable effect on reloading of goods and transit reloading in Polish ports in the years 1991-96. After 1991, the Ukrainian and Belarusan transit determined by geopolitical factors has appeared. After independence regaining by Ukraine this country faced with the problem of reconstructing transport connections with foreign countries, especially in the direction: Odessa - Gdańsk and Gdynia. The substantially important for Polish- Ukrainian co-operation will be constructing of the transport track linking ports of Black Sea via Lvov and Lublin to ports of Gdańsk Bay: "Via Intermare". This assignment will enable to increase activity of regions crossed by the track and also will strengthen economic relations between Poland and Ukraine. The economic crisis in Central Europe caused not only transit decreasing but also competition among the transit countries. In this competition Poland is rather weak competitor because of insufficient transport infrastructure. Also teh changes of geopolitical location highly influenced the amount and directions of cargoes reloaded in Polish ports. These negative processes are a result of lack of univocally defined aims and instruments of the transit policy. ; Marcin Polom

24 cm ; The purpose of the following paper is to debate the cross-border shopping tourism activities taking place at the external borders of the European Union in Poland and Romania. The work focuses on a comparative analyses of three borders from Poland and three borders from Romania. They had a similar history, underwent a period of political and economic transformation and both countries joined the EU in a short space of time. The research is composed from a theoretical and empirical approach. The theoretical research results show similarities in the evolutions of cross-border shopping tourism activities from both countries. The empirical research updates the situation of cross-border shopping tourism activities. The results show a different evolution of this kind of tourism activities, which has been more predominant at the Polish borders than at the Romanian border, mainly motivated by the stronger market differences existing between Poland and its neighbours, than between Romania and its neighbours. The economic motivators are still strong with a focus of customers on better price benefits and discount opportunities. The leisure elements, although not predominant are present, mainly in Poland, the customers being mainly motivated by the pleasure emerged from the shopping activity. In terms of shopping, the dominant role is played by the shopping, in their old forms (bazaar, local market or a transformed department stores) or their new forms (commercial centres or malls), increasingly incorporating also elements of leisure. ; 24 cm ; The purpose of the following paper is to debate the cross-border shopping tourism activities taking place at the external borders of the European Union in Poland and Romania. The work focuses on a comparative analyses of three borders from Poland and three borders from Romania. They had a similar history, underwent a period of political and economic transformation and both countries joined the EU in a short space of time. The research is composed from a theoretical and empirical approach. The theoretical research results show similarities in the evolutions of cross-border shopping tourism activities from both countries. The empirical research updates the situation of cross-border shopping tourism activities. The results show a different evolution of this kind of tourism activities, which has been more predominant at the Polish borders than at the Romanian border, mainly motivated by the stronger market differences existing between Poland and its neighbours, than between Romania and its neighbours. The economic motivators are still strong with a focus of customers on better price benefits and discount opportunities. The leisure elements, although not predominant are present, mainly in Poland, the customers being mainly motivated by the pleasure emerged from the shopping activity. In terms of shopping, the dominant role is played by the shopping, in their old forms (bazaar, local market or a transformed department stores) or their new forms (commercial centres or malls), increasingly incorporating also elements of leisure.

24 cm ; This article deals with changes in political boundaries, border regimes and border policies that have taken place in the area between the Baltic and the Mediterranean, which corresponds in the broadest sense with the term 'Europe-in-between'. An important generator of problems here has been the multi-ethnic composition of the population, a source of diffuse political processes often even giving rise to conflict. Border policies have served as indicators of the relationships pertaining between countries, though they have an even broader exponent relating EU policies and peacekeeping missions, among other things, and thus offering nothing less than a laboratory for geopolitics both old and new. In the three parts present here, the first represents a short theoretical discussion concerning national systems, while the second offers an empirical analysis of border changes and policies in the area stretching from Kaliningrad to the Bosphorus and Trieste. Finally, a third, synthetic, part discusses recent challenges to border policies in the area in question posed by processes of European integration, as set against the new security paradigms of our era. Particular emphasis is placed on strong immigration pressure, pan-Turkish strategic aspirations, the Balkan area and its policies and the relationship between the EU and Russia. ; 24 cm ; This article deals with changes in political boundaries, border regimes and border policies that have taken place in the area between the Baltic and the Mediterranean, which corresponds in the broadest sense with the term 'Europe-in-between'. An important generator of problems here has been the multi-ethnic composition of the population, a source of diffuse political processes often even giving rise to conflict. Border policies have served as indicators of the relationships pertaining between countries, though they have an even broader exponent relating EU policies and peacekeeping missions, among other things, and thus offering nothing less than a laboratory for geopolitics both old and new. In the three parts present here, the first represents a short theoretical discussion concerning national systems, while the second offers an empirical analysis of border changes and policies in the area stretching from Kaliningrad to the Bosphorus and Trieste. Finally, a third, synthetic, part discusses recent challenges to border policies in the area in question posed by processes of European integration, as set against the new security paradigms of our era. Particular emphasis is placed on strong immigration pressure, pan-Turkish strategic aspirations, the Balkan area and its policies and the relationship between the EU and Russia.

Konflikt zbrojny pomiędzy Rosją a Ukrainą spowodował znaczne ograniczenie dostaw surowców energetycznych z Rosji do Polski, a ceny energii w Polsce drastycznie wzrosły w drugiej połowie 2022 r. Konieczne wydaje się zatem zbadanie skali ubóstwa energetycznego (EP) w Polsce, aby skutecznie wspierać dotknięte nim gospodarstwa domowe. Ponieważ polityki wsparcia mają sens jedynie na poziomie gmin, celem podjętych przez autorów badań była analiza czynników i określenie zasięgu EP gospodarstw domowych na wybranym obszarze — powiatu augustowskiego. Drugim celem badania jest wykazanie, iż wybór metody badawczej i przyjętych kryteriów może prowadzić do znacząco dużych rozbieżności w wynikach, co może determinować wybór metody badawczej ze względów politycznych i ekonomicznych. W celu weryfikacji hipotezy o większym stopniu EP na wsi niż w gminach miejskich wykorzystano dane na poziomie gmin, w podziale na gminy miejskie i wiejskie. W badaniach wykorzystano obliczenia statystyczne oraz analizę bogatej literatury dotyczącej definicji i teorii pomiaru ubóstwa. Badania wykazały przestrzenne zróżnicowanie EP na terenie badanego powiatu (w którym wynosiło 27,85%) i jego gmin. W mieście Augustów EP wyniosło 11,00%, a w gminie Płaska, charakteryzującej się najwyższym poziomem ubóstwa, sięgało ponad 64,00%. Wybrana metoda badawcza, oparta na ustawowej definicji ubóstwa energetycznego, w istotny sposób ogranicza występowanie tego zjawiska w porównaniu z innymi metodami. W literaturze przedmiotu nie osiągnięto konsensusu co do definicji ubóstwa energetycznego. Doprowadziło to do przyjęcia odmiennych metod i kryteriów badania, co spowodowało istotne różnice w określeniu jego skali, co utrudniało prowadzenie polityki wsparcia gospodarstw domowych.