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Solution-oriented social science makes solving problems the object of social science, and working on other people's problems becomes the key driver of the problems to be solved. These solutions may be of relevance for everyday citizens or actors working in government, non-profits, or for-profits. Mark Western argues that approaching research in this way would influence how we choose problems, how we build teams and collaborate, and what methods, tools and techniques we employ.

The purpose of this study was to explore factors that facilitate or hinder effective use of computers in Australian general medical practice. This study is based on data extracted from a national telephone survey of 480 general practitioners (GPs) across Australia. Clinical functions performed by GPs using computers were examined using a zero-inflated Poisson (ZIP) regression modelling. About 17% of GPs were not using computer for any clinical function, while 18% reported using computers for all clinical functions. The ZIP model showed that computer anxiety was negatively associated with effective computer use, while practitioners' belief about usefulness of computers was positively associated with effective computer use. Being a female GP or working in partnership or group practice increased the odds of effectively using computers for clinical functions. To fully capitalise on the benefits of computer technology, GPs need to be convinced that this technology is useful and can make a difference.

This article contributes to exploring the comparative effects of market mechanisms and social networks and the interplay of human capital and social networks in western labour markets. We examine social networks and occupational attainment by using data from the 2007 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes and provide three major findings: (1) as a job search method, social networks are associated with lower earnings and occupational status and a lower probability of entering a professional or managerial position than market-oriented job search methods; (2) jobs that are found using strong ties have lower occupational attainment than jobs found using weak ties; and (3) the poorer occupational attainment outcomes associated with social networks are only observed among those without university degrees.

This paper examines men's and women's levels of satisfaction with the domestic division of labour. In most households women continue to undertake the bulk of childcare and housework duties and consequently spend significantly greater amounts of time on domestic labour than men. Men report high levels of satisfaction with these arrangements, but surprisingly we find that almost half of our sample of women also report satisfaction with these arrangements. This finding has been reported in studies from several countries. Our paper attempts to explain this apparent paradox. Using data from a recent national survey in Australia we explore gender differences in levels of satisfaction with the domestic division of labour and examine women's levels of satisfaction with household work arrangements in relation to a number of factors such as labour force attachment, attitudes to gender roles and husbands' participation in domestic labour. Our findings raise implications for the meaning of equity within the household.

The continuing persistence of strong class identification is one of the findings highlighted by Marshall, Rose, Vogler and Newby in their recent (1988) enquiry into class processes in Britain. In this comment we examine critically the methodological techniques deployed by them in the elicitation of this information. We argue that the finding is questionable and the conclusions drawn from it are unwarranted. Data from our own survey of class processes in Australia suggests, in contrast, that the discursive salience of class for identity is almost minimal.

AbstractIn contrast to the majority of studies that have treated informal workers as a single homogeneous group, this article accounts for the possibility of "winners" and "losers" among informal workers. Applying unconditional quantile regressions to data from the Indonesian Family Life Survey, the authors are able to estimate the formal–informal wage gaps for different segments of the earnings distribution. Although the evidence confirms the existence of a substantial earnings penalty for many informal workers, there is also a group who earn roughly similar incomes to formal workers. The findings are consistent with Fields's (1990 and 2005) model of heterogeneous informal employment.

ResumenPartiendo de un modelo del empleo informal que presupone su heterogeneidad, los autores estiman la brecha salarial entre trabajadores formales e informales en diferentes segmentos de la distribución de ingresos mediante regresiones cuantílicas incondicionales estimadas con datos de la Encuesta de vida familiar de Indonesia. Confirman la considerable penalización de ingresos observada en estudios anteriores para muchos trabajadores informales, pero también la existencia de un grupo entre ellos cuyos ingresos son similares a los de los trabajadores formales. Estas estimaciones concuerdan con el modelo de segmentación del empleo informal de Fields (1990 y 2005).

RésuméDans la plupart des études, les travailleurs de l'économie informelle sont présentés comme un tout homogène. Les auteurs considèrent pourtant qu'il peut y avoir parmi eux des gagnants et des perdants. En utilisant des régressions quantiles sur distribution non conditionnelle et des données issues d'une enquête auprès des ménages indonésiens (IFLS), ils estiment l'écart de rémunération entre travailleurs formels et travailleurs informels à différents points de la répartition des gains. Ils montrent que la pénalité de revenu aux dépens des travailleurs informels, manifeste et sensible pour certains d'entre eux, n'est pas systématique, confirmant ainsi la thèse de Fields (1990 et 2005) sur l'emploi informel hétérogène.

AbstractThis paper contributes to the existing literature on income mobility by developing and applying a two‐stage panel regression model and assessing the effects of using different levels of occupational (dis)aggregation and different earnings measures on the magnitude of father–son earnings elasticities in Australia. We find that the overall intergenerational earnings elasticity in Australia between 2001 and 2013 ranges from 0.11 to 0.30. Our preferred estimates lie between 0.24 and 0.28. Elasticity estimates vary depending on the level of occupational (dis)aggregation and earnings measure used: they are highest when two‐digit level occupations and hourly earnings are used, and lowest when four‐digit level occupations and annual earnings are used. We read these findings as indicating that elasticity estimates are sensitive to the use of different data and methods, and researchers should be careful when undertaking cross‐study, cross‐temporal or cross‐national comparisons.