Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title Page -- Front Matter -- Table of Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- A Map of the Book -- Chapter 1: Once Upon a Time When Patriotism Was What You Did -- The Loss of Hope -- Where is My Country When I Need It Most? -- No Black in the Union Jack: The Ambivalent Patriotism of Black Americans -- Chapter 2: Educators in the War on Terrorism -- Linking Accountability and Patriotism -- Accountability and Democratic Citizenship -- My Country Right or Wrong? -- "Children Are the Living Message We Send to a Time We Will Not See" -- Chapter 3: The Psychology of Patriotism -- Second Fiddle to Fear -- Chapter 4: On Patriotism and the Yankees-Lessons Learned from Being a Fan -- Yankee Fandom Versus Love of Nation -- Patriotism Outside of the Ballpark -- Democracy is Not "Natural" -- Institutional Versus Personal Loyalties -- Telling "Our" Story: The Right to Have More Than One Identity -- Schools as the Juncutre Between the Personal and the Public -- Some Lessons Learned: Hooks to Schooling -- What the Central Park East and Mission Hill Schools Might Have in Common with American Patriotism -- Schools as Places to Explore Versus Places to Instill -- Multiple Patriotisms -- Patriotism, Nationalism, and Our Job as Americans -- Chapter 5: Another Way to Teach Politically-Teaching the Debate About Patriotism -- Pledging Allegiance -- Chapter 6: Patriotism is a Bad Idea at a Dangerous Time -- What Do You Love? -- Beyond Patriotism -- If Not Patriotism? -- Teaching Politics -- Patriotism Makes Kids Stupid -- Chapter 7: Celebrating America -- Teaching Patriotism-with Conviction -- Chapter 8: Hearts and Minds-Military Recruitment and the High School Battlefield -- Recruiting High Schoolers -- My Recruiter Lied to Me -- The Reality of War -- Weapons of Fatal Seduction-Latinos and the Military -- A Small Space of Sanity

A report from the Manhattan Institute argues that public funding for education in the United States should be divided between traditional district public schools, charter schools, and private schools, with funding decisions based on student enrollment. The Case for Educational Pluralism in the U.S. asserts that expanding public funding to private (secular and religious) schools will result in greater choice for all students, improve the quality of education, reduce the achievement gap, and strengthen democratic institutions by increasing civic engagement. The report's central argument stems from a combination of (a) conceptual perspectives rather than empirical research; (b) empirical studies drawn primarily from religious and school choice advocacy groups; and (c) well-designed and peer-reviewed studies that lead to conclusions only loosely tied or entirely unrelated to public funding of private schools. The report may prove useful for those who seek a rhetorical appeal for public funding of private school education. But because of lack of evidence, flawed logic, and failure to consider differences in national policy contexts, this report offers little useful to policymakers intent on improving access to quality schools.

Fehrman and Schutz contend that the fine balance between having students experience real-world obstacles to social change and having them learn how to navigate around those obstacles can be achieved by having adults both pre-select community action projects that are both possible and meaningful to ensure a modicum of success, and jump in and redirect wayward efforts when necessary to get them back on a trajectory aimed at a positive outcome. I agree. I also suggest that other factors are significant as well, namely the purposeful nurturing of a sense of community and hopefulness. Finally, I point out that adult intervention and democratic teaching are in no way mutually exclusive, especially by any standard John Dewey might have suggested.

"Democracy is not a silent business."—Anthony D. Romero, American
Civil Liberties Union

Introduces a symposium on civic education & politics. At issue is the polarized use of the classroom as a forum for conveying knowledge of historical facts & a sense of civic unity, duty, patriotism, & national pride vs embracing the kind of controversy & ideological sparring that underpins the democratic process. Several post-September 11, 2001, instances where teachers were suspended or disciplined for promoting dissenting views on the Iraq war or raising questions regarding the Patriot Act are related. In general, contributions, which are briefly summarized, focus on the question of the kind of politics reflected in civic education programs & why. 13 References. J. Zendejas

Justin is not alone. In a recent study of high school seniors from
California, for example, only 28% agreed that "I think people in
government care about what people like me and my family need" (Kahne and Middaugh 2005). Related findings
are common. A survey by the National Association of Secretaries of
State, for example, revealed that two-thirds of all young people
agreed that "our generation has an important voice, but no one seems
to hear it." Moreover, those youth who were least trusting were also
the least likely to vote, to believe that government can affect
their lives, or to pay attention to politics (National Association of Secretaries of State 1999).
These findings, combined with numerous other indicators that show
low and in many cases declining civic and political participation,
indicate that forms of engagement required for a participatory
democracy to thrive are in need of attention (Macedo et al.
2005). The initial research for
this essay was generously supported by a grant from the Surdna
Foundation. Subsequent research and writing was generously
supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council
of Canada. We also wish to thank Melinda Fine, Barbara Leckie,
Tobi Walker, and James Youniss for helpful feedback on earlier
drafts. The authors are solely responsible for any and all
conclusions.

Draws on evidence from a study of 10 school-based programs on democratic citizenship to consider the kinds of citizenship promoted therein. Focus is on three visions of citizenship: (1) the personally responsible citizen, (2) the participatory citizen, (3) the justice-oriented citizen. These visions are described before attending to conflicts that arise between them. It is seen that the majority of school-based initiatives promote the first vision -- a commitment to service, but not to democracy, ie, citizenship without politics. It is argued that emphasizing personal responsibility & character over social action & social justice inadequate to the demands of educating a democratic citizenry. This is addressed by looking at two high school programs, one looking to develop participatory students, the other justice-oriented students. It is asserted that the justice-oriented program encouraged more political engagement than the program stressing participatory citizenship. Implications for designing a fruitful curriculum to teach democracy are touched on in closing. 1 Table, 2 References. J. Zendejas