Suchergebnisse

Viele Forschungsfragen der Arbeitssoziologie beziehen sich auf Wandlungsprozesse von Arbeit über die Zeit. Dieser Beitrag möchte exemplarisch - am Beispiel der praktischen Dimension der Subjektivierung von Arbeit (Kleemann et al. 2003) - zeigen, dass diese Prozesse durch die Anwendung neuerer quantitativer Methoden wie die Mehrebenenanalyse untersucht werden können. Benutzt man sie als Längsschnittanalyse, dann handelt es sich um eine Regressionstechnik, die für jedes Individuum eine eigene Entwicklung über die Zeit schätzt. Die sich daraus ergebenden Vorteile sind, dass individuelle Effekte (z. B. Bildung, Geschlecht) und strukturelle Effekte (z. B. Tertiärisierung) getrennt voneinander kontrolliert und dadurch auch Ausdifferenzierungsprozesse abgebildet werden können. Solch ein Vorgehen kann die qualitative Forschung gewinnbringend ergänzen.

BACKGROUND Whereas recent years have brought comprehensive demographic accounts of the gay and lesbian population in the United States and several European countries, relatively little is yet known about gays' and lesbians' family-related attitudes and expectations. OBJECTIVE The present study contributes to closing this research gap, comparing individuals with and without same-sex relationship experiences regarding their expectations concerning partnership and parenthood. METHOD We run OLS regressions, using nationally representative survey data for two cohorts of young adults in Germany (born 1971-1973 and 1981-1983). RESULTS In several regards, gays and lesbians expect lower benefits and greater costs of being in a partnership, but not of being a parent. CONCLUSIONS We propose that the latter finding results from same-sex parenthood still being a comparatively rare event and expectations being formed on the basis of heteronormatively shaped values rather than on experience. This is different when considering romantic relationships. Even if partnership-related expectations are partially influenced by the same structural constraints that limit gays' and lesbians' factual opportunity to form a family, these expectations might still exhibit an independent additional impact on demographic outcomes. CONTRIBUTION Accounting for individuals' expectations might contribute to better explaining why, for example, marriage-like partnerships and cohabitation are less frequent in gay and lesbian couples than in heterosexual partnerships.

We examine the association between pathways to retirement and patterns of subjective well-being in Germany. We argue that short-term development of subjective well-being is related to social status changes while long-term development of subjective well-being is related to resources and changes in life circumstances. Importantly, we expect that how a person's social status changes and his/her access to resources post-retirement both depend on the person's specific pathway to retirement, resulting in distinct patterns of subjective well-being post-retirement. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel, we categorized people as retiring from employment, short- or long-term unemployment, labour market inactivity or due to disability. We then used dual-change score models to compare trajectories of life satisfaction ten years before to ten years after the retirement transition. For people retiring from employment, life satisfaction did not change in the short term but developed more positively in the long term. In comparison, people retiring from unemployment or due to disability experienced a short-term increase in life satisfaction but had more negative long-term trajectories of life satisfaction. We found no retirement-related changes in life satisfaction for people retiring from inactivity. The findings suggest that different pathways to retirement are related to distinct patterns of subjective well-being and highlight the importance of late-life employment biographies for quality of life post-retirement.

Abstract
Research has shown that life satisfaction depends on a person's resources and that retirement is associated with resource gains and losses. We examine if these resources contribute equally to life satisfaction before and after the retirement transition. Coming from the psychological concept of response shifts, we conceptualize an adjustment process to major life changes in which also the association between different resources and life satisfaction could be subject of change with retirement. Data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (2004–2016, every 2 years) were used to study people who retired over the course of 2 consecutive waves. Using propensity score matching, we identified n = 991 retirees and a matched control group of n = 991 people with similar sociodemographic characteristics but who were continuously working. We then used a seemingly unrelated regression model to examine how the association between life satisfaction and economic (income, assets), personal (morbidity, functional limitations, club membership), and social-relational resources (network size, partner, parenthood, grandparenthood) changed from the pre- to postretirement wave. Retirement was associated with a slight increase in life satisfaction and only moderate to minor declines in income and club memberships. We found retirement-related changes in the predictor strength for financial resources (i.e., decline for income, increase for assets) but not for the other resources. In sum, the study provides some evidence that retirees reprioritize the importance of economic resources only for their overall life satisfaction at retirement. We discuss the findings in light of (economic) social inequality which points to potential for further research.

Dokumentation des Erhebungsdesigns und der Instrumente (CAPI und Drop-Off-Fragebogen) der DEAS-Erhebung 2014. Der Deutsche Alterssurvey (DEAS) ist eine Langzeitstudie zum Wandel der Lebenssituationen und Alternsverläufe von Menschen, die sich in der zweiten Lebenshälfte befinden. Grundlage sind bundesweit repräsentative Befragungen im Quer- und Längsschnitt von jeweils mehreren tausend Teilnehmern im Alter ab 40 Jahren. ; Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS-survey year 2014. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards.

Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS-survey year 2014. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards. ; Documentation of the survey design and instruments of DEAS-survey year 2014. The German Ageing Survey (DEAS) is a longitudinal survey for the analysis of life situations and biographies of people in the second half of their lives. The data is based on nationally representative surveying (cross-sectional and longitudinal) of some thousand participants from the age of 40 onwards.

Der Anteil von Personen, die ein ehrenamtliches Engagement ausüben, hat sich unter den 40- bis 85-Jährigen zwischen den Jahren 1996 und 2014 verdoppelt. Im Jahr 2014 zeigen sich deutliche Unterschiede im ehrenamtlichen Engagement nach Geschlecht, Bildung, Landesteil und Erwerbsstatus. Im Jahr 2014 ist jede vierte ehrenamtlich engagierte Person im Alter von 50 bis 85 Jahren in einer Seniorengruppe aktiv. Ein Drittel der im Jahr 2014 ehrenamtlich Engagierten hat in den letzten sechs Jahren ein neues Engagement aufgenommen und zwei Drittel üben ihr Engagement schon länger als sechs Jahre aus.

Im Jahr 2014 sind mehr Menschen in der Lebensphase vor dem Ruhestand erwerbstätig als 1996. Belastungen im Rahmen der Erwerbstätigkeit unterscheiden sich zwischen den Bildungsgruppen. Im Jahr 2014 berichten mehr Erwerbstätige von Belastungen als 2002. Der Großteil der Erwerbstätigen ist im Jahr 2014 zufrieden mit ihrer Arbeit und fühlt sich weder über- noch unterfordert. Ein zunehmender Anteil an Menschen ist auch nach dem Eintritt in den Ruhestand erwerbstätig.