Suchergebnisse

Much has been written lately on disinformation, particularly regarding right-wing extremism and COVID-19. Few attempts, however, have been made to classify specific forms of disinformation, and little attention has been paid to disinformation's impact on scholarly communications. This essay identifies three types of disinformation affecting academic publishing based on authorial intent: parodic, which critiques the scholarly process through mimicry and humour; opportunist, which seeks to promote the author's scholarly image; and malicious, which distorts the reader's perception of a controversial issue like vaccination or climate change. In doing so, the paper provides an overview of notable instances of published disinformation, such as the Sokal affair, while highlighting the current threat of pandemic-related disinformation posing as scholarly research. The malicious disinformation section also explores how academic and pseudoscientific parlance can be adopted by white nationalists and conspiracy theorists. This paper demonstrates that a taxonomic approach to published disinformation can simultaneously make identifying falsified academic research easier, while exposing vulnerabilities in the publishing system. Furthermore, it also attempts to raise awareness of published disinformation as not just a problem confined to academia, but rather a contributor to the ongoing 'culture wars' and a potential threat to both public health and national security.

This article explores the governance of post-traumatic stress disorder among soldiers-turned-contractors in the private military labour market. Using original data relating to the UK case, it argues that this governance regime is best understood as a political economic process which transcends the public–private divide. On one side, post-traumatic stress disorder is managed as an economic issue—a calculation to be factored into the pursuit of profit maximization. On the other side, it is managed as a political or social issue—a component of the civil–military relationship in which state and society have a duty to care for all those who have served and sacrificed in defense of the nation. In other words, this process is shaped by—and gives shape to—the complex professional identity of the individuals under examination: they are private military contractors and, at the same time, armed forces veterans.

The article analyses how the norm against mercenarism shapes the legitimate parameters of exchange in the market for military outsourcing. The dominant interpretation of this dynamic is that neoliberal states and private military companies (PMCs) have come to restrict their transactions to non-combat functions in order to circumvent contemporary articulations of this norm. The article, by contrast, contends that even within these narrowed parameters of exchange, neoliberal states and PMCs have been required to work through the norm against mercenarism. Using the 'global security assemblages' approach, and drawing upon new data relating to the UK case, it explores how the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and PMCs have sought to appropriate symbolic capital from a domestic private security licencing regime so as to distance their non-combat transactions from the norm against mercenarism. In so doing, it facilitates a reappraisal of the regulatory potential of this norm within today's pluralised military landscape.

THIS ARTICLE REPRESENTS THE FIRST FINDINGS OF A STUDY WHICH SHEDS LIGHT ON SOCIAL CHANGE IN SMALLER RUSSIAN TOWNS AND ATTEMPTS TO DISCOVER HOW TRENDS IN SUCH TOWNS MIRROR OR DIFFER FROM THOSE IN THE BIG CITY. THE RESEARCH EXPLORES THE CHANGING IDENTITIES OF PROFESSIONAL PEOPLE: PEOPLE WHO, IN THE SOVIET PERIOD, WERE CONSIDERED TO BELONG TO THE "INTELLIGENTSIA." IT PARTICULARLY INVESTIGATES THE "CORE" INTELLIGENTSIA OF TEACHERS, JOURNALISTS, DOCTORS, AND LIBRARIANS. THESE PEOPLE HAVE A POWERFUL SENSE OF HAVING BEEN MAROONED, AS LINKS WITH THE OLD WORLD OUTSIDE THE RAION (COUNTY) HAVE WEAKENED IN THE 1990'S. THE FINDINGS OF THE ARTICLE ARE BASED ON 41 INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED IN 1999 IN THE TOWN OF ZUBSTOV, A SMALL COUNTY CENTER IN THE TVER' REGION.

MORE WOMEN ARE SUCCESSFULLY RUNNING FOR U.S. POLITICAL OFFICES. HOWEVER, FURTHER ADVANCES MAY BE LIMITED BY WOMEN'S INABILITY TO SYMBOLICALLY PORTRAY THEMSELVES AS EFFECTIVE LEADERS IN POLITICAL MEDIA. WE SEE THE DILEMMA MOST CLEARLY IN POLITICAL ADS FOR FEMALE CANDIDATES. THESE TEXTS JUXTAPOSE IN THE VIEWER'S MIND THE LEGACY OF WOMEN'S IMAGES IN ADVERTISING - HOMEMAKER, MOTHER, SEX OBJECT - WITH THE IDEAL OF MALE-DOMINATED POLITICAL LEADERSHIP. IN OUR CULTURE WE STILL IDENTIFY THE MALE AS POLITICAL AND PUBLIC-MINDED AND THE FEMALE AS INVOLVED IN PRIVATE CONCERNS. A FEMINIST SEMIOTIC READING AND COMPANION OF POLITICAL ADS FROM A MARYLAND SENATE RACE BETWEEN TWO WOMEN (LINDA CHAVEZ AND BARBARA MIKULSKI) AND ONE FROM GEORGE BUSH (AS AN EXAMPLE OF A MALE STANDARD) ILLUSTRATE THE DIFFICULTY WOMEN FACE AS CANDIDATES IN PORTRAYING THEMSELVES AS EFFECTIVE LEADERS. BUSH'S AD SHOWS THE EASE WITH WHICH MEN CAN BE PORTRAYED AS SYMBOLIC. FATHER READY TO LEAD THE COUNTRY. CHAVEZ USES HER ADS TO ESTABLISH HER RELATIONSHIP TO PATRIARCHY; SHE WILL BE A LEADER DEFINED BY MAINTENANCE OF HER ROLES AS WIFE, MOTHER, AND DAUGHTER. CHAVEZ'S OPPONENT, MIKULSKI, CHOOSES A POTENTIALLY RISKIER STRATEGY AND 'BREAKS THE RULES' IN SEEKING A NEW WAY TO PORTRAY WOMEN IN SOME OF HER ADS. MIKULSKI CREATES A NEW KIND OF SYMBOLIC SPACE FOR WOMEN THAT DRAWS ON THE POWER OF MATERNAL RELATIONSHIPS; SHE WILL BE A LEADER WHO FOLLOWS THE EXAMPLE OF HER BRAVE GREAT-GRANDMOTHER. THE DEVELOPMENT AND ACCEPTANCE OF MOPY: 1994

UNTIL THE ADVENT OF PERESTROIKA, CHARITY WAS A CONCEPT THAT IN OFFICIAL SOVIET DISCOURSE EXISTED ONLY WITH REFERENCE TO BOURGEOIS SOCIETIES. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR FOCUSES ON THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE NEW SECULAR WELFARE MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA FROM 1985 TO 1991. SHE EXAMINES WHY AND HOW CHARITY BECAME AN ACCEPTABLE CONCEPT, HOW CHARITIES AND SELF-HELP GROUPS ESTABLISHED THEIR RIGHT TO EXIST, AND HOW THEY PERCEIVED THEIR ROLES. SHE ALSO DISCUSSES HOW THE CHARITABLE AND SELF-HELP GROUPS FITTED INTO THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT AS A WHOLE AND HOW THEY WERE PERCEIVED AND TREATED BY THE COMMUNIST PARTY/STATE AUTHORITIES.