Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- I Setting the Scene -- 1 The Problem of "Natural" Disasters -- 2 This Fertile World -- 3 Global Population Increase -- II Natural Disasters -- 4 Earthquakes -- 5 Volcanic Eruptions -- 6 Floods -- 7 Famines -- 8 Other Disasters -- 9 Disasters Recorded in the Bible -- III Biblical Reflections on Disasters -- 10 Paradise Lost: What Went Wrong? -- 11 Why Do Bad Things Happen to Good People? -- 12 Joseph, Famine, and Family Reunion -- 13 Job, Family Disaster, and Wisdom from the Whirlwind -- 14 Jesus, a Collapsed Tower, and the Kingdom of God -- Practical Resources -- Further Reading -- Notes -- Photographic Inserts

The Tuskegee Study of Untreated Syphilis (TSUS) was a 40-year study based in Macon County, Alabama. Miss Eunice Rivers, RN, a public health nurse and scientific assistant, was a critical, long-term worker in the TSUS. After scandal closed the TSUS in 1972, Rivers was the target of adverse attention, often portrayed as the only woman involved in the study in both fictional depictions and other nonfiction sources. No other women were identified as culpable. A review of the TSUS publications revealed the contributions of other women in the TSUS. Publications and other historical sources identified these women, their active roles, and even accolades bestowed. This article reviews the myth of Eunice Rivers as the lone woman involved in this study. The discussion offers analysis of the women in these roles and their subsequent publications. Eunice Rivers co-authored two TSUS publications. Six white women co-authored 11 publications. In conclusion, pre-1972, the public health research experiences of Rivers and the white women appeared equitable in their public exposure. Post 1972 TSUS disclosure in the media, equity vanished, and Rivers was the sole target of adverse attention. All women who had roles in the TSUS matter. This article addresses an unmet need for equitable full disclosure and reckoning.

Como investigadores críticos debemos percatarnos de las posibles inconsistencias y limitaciones de nuestros propios conceptos sobre la comunicación democrática. Si somos en alguna medida responsables de políticas nacionales de comunicación, debemos analizar críticamente el modo en que éstas están siendo realmente puestas en prácticas. Generalmente, esas políticas profesan interesarse por una comunicación más democrática y participativa, pero en la práctica pueden estar orientadas en otra dirección. Aún más importante, debemos preguntarnos si las propuestas por una comunicación democrática encontraran apoyo en un proceso más amplio de democratización de las sociedades nacionales.

Social movement research often draws on intensive interviews with activists to provide rich, detailed information on recruitment processes. Intensive interview data, however, are subject to misunderstandings between researchers and respondents, poor memories, the possibility that respondents will intentionally mislead in their presentation of self, and other threats. Veterans or members of the Provisional IRA and Provisional Sinn Féin were interviewed twice, approximately a decade apart in time. The interviews suggest that accounts from activists are relatively consistent over time, but that this consistency varies with differences in the recruitment process. Activists recruited into Irish Republicanism through their family background have the most consistent accounts. Those recruited in response to a key event and who were recruited by one key individual also have consistent accounts. Those who follow a more generic path of recruitment that occurs over time offer the least consistent accounts. This variation has important implications for understanding involvement in social movements.

Eulogizes the passing of professor J. Bowyer Bell & his contributions to the study of political violence.

I compare the repression of "pro-state" paramilitary violence with the repression of anti-state insurgent violence. The setting examined is Northern Ireland between August 1972 and November 1975. During this time period, "pro-state" Protestant paramilitaries and "anti-state" Irish Republican paramilitaries engaged in significant levels of violence. Among the state's responses to this violence were the internment, without charge or trial, of suspected paramilitaries, and the confiscation of illegally held weapons. How the state used these methods of repression differently for Protestant paramilitaries vs. Republican insurgents is examined with time-series regression methods, employing data collected at monthly intervals. In general, the state was less repressive of Protestant paramilitaries, and state repression of Protestant paramilitaries tended to reflect attempts by the state to find a political solution to the violence (by both Protestant paramilitaries and Republican paramilitaries) in Northern Ireland, rather than Protestant paramilitary violence per se. In contrast, the state's repression of Republicans was more forceful, and more directly linked to Republican violence.

In the face of rising criticism of the limitations of the `professional media ethics' approach to media ethics and media morality, this article explores a broader societal approach based on the norm of justice in the public construction of cultural truth. A central conclusion is that a variety of media-related social actors are simultaneously involved in the continued formulation and reformulation of the public cultural truth. The moral level of the system and of each social actor (including media professionals) depends on the level of dialogue among actors and mutual recognition of moral claims of all of the actors. The article attempts to illustrate a methodology for recognition of the moral claims of major social actors involved in media performance.