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This article examines how violent separatist groups moderate. Using the case of Sinn Féin and the IRA in Northern Ireland, it shows that moderation is a multidimensional process, entailing a change in strategic behaviour but not necessarily in the goals or values of a separatist group. For Irish republicans, moderation entailed giving up violent revolution and embracing peaceful reformism, but it did not require changing long-term goals, accepting the legitimacy of British rule in Northern Ireland, or distancing themselves from their history of armed struggle. Moderation was possible because both Irish republicans and the British state distinguished between republicans' strategic behaviour and their political goals, with the British state neither expecting nor demanding a change in the goals of republicanism, and republicans showing a willingness to change tactics to bring them closer to their long-term goal of a united Ireland. This finding has important implications for the moderation of other radical separatist groups.

Turkey is going through possibly the most turbulent period in its history, with major consequences both nationally and internationally. The country today looks dramatically different from the Republic founded by Atatürk in 1923 on values including republicanism and laicism. The pace of change has been rapid and fundamental, with core interlinked changes in ruling institutions, political culture, political economy, and society. Divided into six main parts, this Handbook provides a single-source overview of Turkish politics: - Part I: History and the making of Contemporary Turkey - Part II: Politics and Institutions - Part III: The Economy, Environment and Development - Part IV: The Kurdish Insurgency and Security - Part V: State, Society and Rights - Part VI: External Relations This comprehensive Handbook is an essential resource for students of Politics, International Relations, International/Security Studies with an interest on contemporary Turkey

IRA violence and Sinn Féin's revolutionary politics plagued Northern Ireland for 30 years. Today, however, violence is (mostly) a tactic of the past and Sinn Féin is a major political player in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This is one of the most startling transformations of a radical violent movement in recent times. What exactly changed within Irish republicanism? What has stayed the same? And, crucially what caused this transformation? By examining republicanism's electoral participation and engagement in democratic bargaining, together with the role of Irish-America and British government policy, Mathew Whiting argues that moderation was a long-term process of concessions by republicanism in return for increased inclusion within the political system.

Whether power-sharing increases polarisation or not in post-conflict societies remains deeply contested. Yet, we currently lack an adequate conceptualisation of polarisation to assess the link (if any) between the two. This article offers a new conceptualisation of polarisation and uses this to gather evidence from Northern Ireland to argue that the assumption that power-sharing entrenches polarisation is not the reality that many think it is. By examining legislator voting records, speeches by party leaders, manifestos and public opinion data, we disaggregate polarisation into different issues, track it over time, and examine both elite and mass levels. We find that overall polarisation declined, albeit some limited polarisation remained in cultural and identity issues, but these were of low salience. We argue that this is the result of parties using identity instrumentally for electoral distinction in a system of convergence – a process that is independent of the effects of power-sharing.

This just serves to highlight the pessimistic state of Turkish democracy today. What is more, it should certainly not be assumed that the HDP are the great democratic hope of Turkish politics.

The health specialist initiative aimed to develop closer working practices between health and social care practitioners by providing health input into assessments for child safeguarding and child protection. As part of this initiative, health visitors were transferred to work within social work child welfare teams, where they were renamed `health specialists' (health visitors are registered nurses or midwives, with additional specialized training and experience in child health, health promotion, and education, usually located in primary health care settings). This initiative aimed to develop closer working practices between health and social care and to provide comprehensive health input into assessments for child safeguarding and child protection. This evaluation found that the health specialist initiative is an example of a successful collaboration between health and social care in terms of both processes and outcomes. The health specialist was influential in improving communication and informationow between these two sets of professionals, increasing social worker knowledge of child health and development and strengthening assessments undertaken within social care. However, consideration needs to be given to the clinical health super- vision needs of the health workers based within a host organization. The health specialist initiative has important lessons and experiences for establishing partner- ship initiatives in practice settings for other children's services.