Suchergebnisse

One of the most notable characteristics of the political life in Poland during the crisis of 1980-1981 was the political mobilization of previous non-activists-young people, workers, and peasants-as well as greater political involvement of previously nominally politicized citizens. Political mobilization was due to changes in the institutional framework, particularly the emergence of new forms of political expres sion, and increased interest in politics resulting from everyday consequences of economic crisis. Public opinion polls indicated a greater sense of political involve ment. Institutional consequences of political mobilization included democratization of existing structures, particularly of the Polish United Workers Party; formation of new political organizations; and intensification of political cleavages. Mobilization, combined with political radicalization, deepened the political crisis and contributed to the collapse of attempts to build a "contractual democracy."

For seven days in July 1981 the politics of the Polish United Workers Party remained in the centre of attention of international media. The IXth Extraordinary Congress of the PUWP produced an unprecedented atmosphere of drama and suspense. When it was over, its importance was heralded by terms such as "a watershed," and "a historic turning point."

There are 2 ways in which sociology can be useful for the study of international relations: as a theory, & as a set of research concepts & methods. The potential uses of sociological theory are directly related to the fact that in the study of international relations states are treated as a basic units of observation & their behavior towards each other constitutes the central analytical variable. The field of international relations has expanded in the last 2 decades; the central concept around which the whole structure has come to revolve is the foreign policy of sovereign states. The following propositions are offered: (1) Foreign policy formulation & execution depend on domestic conditions, external constraints, the perceptions of policy makers, influential circles, & the public regarding the 1st 2 items, & the foreign policies of other nations. (2) Foreign policy execution results in changes in the foreign policy environment, domestic feedback of foreign policy, & modifications or strengthening of previous perceptions. It is particularly from the point of view of Marxist sociological theory (foreign policy is determined by domestic policy), that the importance of the sociological approach to the study of international relations can be fully grasped. There are 4 areas in which the Marxist hypothesis needs to be elaborated. (I) The need to define the extent to which domestic SE structure determines foreign policy, & identification of other factors which may restrict or modify its impact. (II) Attention should be paid to lasting features of national life, especially national character. (III) The microfactors of foreign policy formulation & execution must be considered in their relationship to macrofactors. (IV) Ideological & psychological conditions must be accounted for, both insofar as their relationship with the SE structure can be demonstrated & to the extent to which they can be considered as autonomous forces in international relations. Thus, sociological theories can contribute to the study of international relations both directly & indirectly. One aspect of contemporary sociological research--comparative cross-national research--has prepared the ground for comparative studies of the sociological aspects of international relations. A. Leon.

The interrelation between the development of political institutions and the processes of scientific-technical revolution is twofold. On the one hand, there must exist the political preconditions of the rapid change in science and technology. On the other hand, the processes of rapid scientific and technical change produce important consequences in the politica life.From the point of view of the economic structure of the country, Poland has reached the threshold of scientific-technical revolution ; it now depends on the political conditions whether the country wilt be able to achieve the stage of high technological development in reasonably short time.Three changes in the functioning of political institutions are directly related to the processes of scientific-technical revolution : they are changes in the system of management on all levels of authority, changes in the circulation of informations and development of autonomic structures of decision-making. Indirectly, however, other changes in the system of political institutions influence the processes of scientific and technological change. Two variants of future developments of the political institutions are discussed in this context : that of a rationalized centralism and the one of democratic self-management. The author expresses the opinion thatboth these variants would constitute conditions for rapid scientific and technological transformations but he favours the strategy of combining the strong elements of both and eliminating their weaknesses.In the second part of the paper, the author discusses the consequences of scientific-technological revolution for the political institutions. Five major factors could be hypothetically identified : 1° changes in classstructure and social stratification, particularly in the direction of increased role of the professional stratum and the increase of educational level of the working class ; 2° further political integration of the nation; 3° changesin the culture of work, increase of social discipline, and higher assessment of collective and individual efficacy of the Poles ; 4° achievement of the higher standard of living and on the basis of it leveling of economicinequalities; 5° increase of the amount of leisure time. All these changes wilt result in the formation of better and more harmonious society, which in its turn wilt make it both possible and necessary to considerablyincrease the scope of democratic self-management in all spheres of sociopolitical life. Potential restraints to this process may result from the inertia of old politica! institutions and/or from technocratic tendenciesamong some segments of the aparatus. Neither, however, is likely to become strong enough to stop the processes of democratic self-management .The main changes in the direction of greater self-management will include: 1° development of various forms of direct democracy on local levels ; 2° development of organizations which represent interests of varioussegments of the society; 3° bettering of the representative institutions (Parliament and local councils); 4° further differentiation between administrative and political authorities and further democratization of thelatter; 5° deepening of the leading role of the Communist party combined with development of its internal democracy.

The interrelation between the development of political institutions & the processes of scientific-technical revolution is 2-fold. Political preconditions for the rapid change in science & technology must exist, & the processes of rapid scientific & technical change produce important consequences in political life. Economically, Poland has reached the threshold of scientific-technical revolution; whether the country will be able to achieve the stage of high technological development in a reasonably short time depends on the political conditions. 3 changes in the functioning of political institutions are directly related to the processes of scientific-technical revolution: (1) changes in all levels of management, (2) changes in flow of information, & (3) development of automatic structures of decision-making. Other changes in political institutions influence the process of scientific change indirectly. In this context 2 variants of future developments are discussed: rationalized centralism & democratic self-government. Favored is a strategy of combining the strong elements of both. The consequences of the scientific-technological revolution for the political institutions is discussed. 5 major factors could be hypothetically identified: (A) changes in class structure & social stratification, particularly in the direction of increased roles for professionals & an increased educational level for the Wc; (B) further political integration of the nation; (C) changes in the culture of work, increase of social discipline, & higher assessment of collective & individual efficacy of the Poles; (D) achievement of a higher standard of living & leveling of economic inequalities; & (E) increase of the amount of leisure time. All these changes will result in a better & more harmonious society, which in turn makes it both necessary & possible to increase the scope of democratic self-management. Potential restraints to this process may result from the inertia of old political institutions &/or from technocratic tendencies. Greater self-management will mean more direct democracy, better representation, further democratization of the political authorities, & deepening of the leading role of the Communist party. Modified HA.