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(Originally published in Polityka, 1989, Feb.) A discussion of the theoretical aspects of de-Stalinization in Poland & Eastern Europe generally. A new analysis of G. W. F. Hegel, Karl Marx, & Antonio Gramsci on the concept of civil society is needed to theoretically overcome monocentric implications of Leninist political theory. The practical experiences of de-Stalinization since 1956, including the perseverance of neo-Stalinist trends, is of great importance. New possibilities of systemic changes, particularly in the USSR, Poland, & Hungary, as well as systemic conservation (in Czechoslovakia particularly) have to be studied in a comparative perspective, which will require a new political theory of contemporary Marxism. Modified AA

Because of a liberal bias, the social sciences failed to recognize the importance of the military in politics until after WWII. Research in this field still suffers from a weak theoretical & typological basis & from a scarcity of comparative studies. A new typology of the military role in politics is offered, based on five types: servants of the state, pressure group, political force, guardians of the state, & ruling elite. Various theories of causal explanations of military interventions in politics are discussed, with special emphasis on their relationship to the intensity of societal conflict. In considering the effects of military intervention, social scientists tend to support one of two conflicting views: military as promoters of social change vs military as a conservative, pro-status-quo force. Empirical evidence suggests that when popular masses remain passive, military intervention can sometimes promote social change, while in conditions of mass radicalization, the military intervention acts against popular demands & tends to prevent radical social change. For future research, innovative theoretical perspectives & methodology are badly needed. 28 References. AA

One of the most notable characteristics of the political life in Poland during the crisis of 1980-1981 was the political mobilization of previous non-activists-young people, workers, and peasants-as well as greater political involvement of previously nominally politicized citizens. Political mobilization was due to changes in the institutional framework, particularly the emergence of new forms of political expres sion, and increased interest in politics resulting from everyday consequences of economic crisis. Public opinion polls indicated a greater sense of political involve ment. Institutional consequences of political mobilization included democratization of existing structures, particularly of the Polish United Workers Party; formation of new political organizations; and intensification of political cleavages. Mobilization, combined with political radicalization, deepened the political crisis and contributed to the collapse of attempts to build a "contractual democracy."