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This series of essays on insurgency and revolution focuses on events in Latin America since 1956. The contributors discuss revolutionary theory, the nature of social movements and models of social action. Topics raised include terror, guerilla regimes, mobilizing peasants, and the vulnerability of regimes to revolution.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Abbreviations -- PART I: Origins -- CHAPTER 1 Introduction -- CHAPTER 2 Who Are the Guerrillas? -- CHAPTER 3 The Social and Political Origins of the Guerrilla Movements -- PART II : Constructing Theory-The Outcomes of the First Wave, 1956-1970 -- CHAPTER 4 Variables and Models -- CHAPTER 5 The Role of -- CHAPTER 6 The Sources of Peasant Support I: Agrarian Structure and Its Transformations -- CHAPTER 7 The Sources of Peasant Support II: Rebellious Cultures and Social Ties -- CHAPTER 8 Regime Weaknesses and the Emergence of Dual Power -- PART III : Guerrillas and Revolution since 1970- Testing Theories on the Second Wave -- CHAPTER 9 The Origins of the Second Wave -- CHAPTER 10 The Structures of Peasant Support in the Second Wave -- CHAPTER 11 Regime Weaknesses and Revolution in the Second Wave -- CHAPTER 12 Winners, Losers, and Also-Rans: Toward an Integration of Revolutionary Theories -- APPENDIX A Profiles of Guerrilla Leadership -- APPENDIX B Social Origins of Guerrilla Leadership: Post-1970 Period -- Notes -- Select Bibliography -- Index

RESUMEN: El artículo trata de explicar los procesos a través de los cuales un gobierno llega a suceder a otro en situaciones revolucionarias, haciendo especial hincapié en los movimientos guerrilleros en América Latina desde la Revolución cubana hasta finales de la década del sesenta, y que están experimentando un resurgimiento en la actualidad. El autor sugiere cinco proposiciones que vinculan a gobernantes y gobernados en un contrato social, ya sea implícito o explícito, que elabora basándose en estudios de este período más temprano y que es posible encontrar también en los movimientos revolucionarios/gobiernos guerrilleros de los años setenta y ochenta.ABSTRACT: The article tries to explain the processes of how one government comes to succeed another in revolutionaly situations, emphasizing the guerrilla movements in Latin America from the Cuban revolution until the late 1960's and which are currently experiencing a revival. The author suggests five propositions linking governors and governed in a social contract, implicit or explicit, which he ellaborates based upon studies of the earlier period and that is also possible to find them in the revolutionary movements/guerrilla governments in the 1970's and 1980's.

Uses a comparative sociological approach to examine post-1950 Latin American guerrilla movements. The focus is on movements that occurred prior to 1970 but later mobilizations are addressed for comparison. A brief historical overview of the region is followed by an account of the origins of guerrilla movements in all Latin American countries. Except for the Sendero Luminoso peasant movement in Peru, the movements were usually led by intellectuals involved in leftist politics in response to oppressive regimes. It is maintained that some movements were able to successfully expand on a base of peasant support because of specific types of agrarian social structures; changes in agrarian systems; historic rebelliousness of peasants; & strong links between the peasants & guerrillas. These factors are evaluated for each country. A comparison of the Cuban & Nicaraguan revolutions with less successful movements highlights how they downplayed Marxism, antiimperalist rhetoric, & radical reforms in favor of garnering cross-class support for the ouster of a dictator & the restoration of democracy. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 64 References. J. Lindroth

Uses a comparative sociological approach to examine post-1950 Latin American guerrilla movements. The focus is on movements that occurred prior to 1970 but later mobilizations are addressed for comparison. A brief historical overview of the region is followed by an account of the origins of guerrilla movements in all Latin American countries. Except for the Sendero Luminoso peasant movement in Peru, the movements were usually led by intellectuals involved in leftist politics in response to oppressive regimes. It is maintained that some movements were able to successfully expand on a base of peasant support because of specific types of agrarian social structures; changes in agrarian systems; historic rebelliousness of peasants; & strong links between the peasants & guerrillas. These factors are evaluated for each country. A comparison of the Cuban & Nicaraguan revolutions with less successful movements highlights how they downplayed Marxism, antiimperalist rhetoric, & radical reforms in favor of garnering cross-class support for the ouster of a dictator & the restoration of democracy. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 64 References. J. Lindroth

[ES] El artículo trata de explicar los procesos a través de los cuales un gobierno llega a suceder a otro en situaciones revolucionarias, haciendo especial hincapié en los movimientos guerrilleros en América Latina desde la Revolución cubana hasta finales de la década del sesenta, y que están experimentando un resurgimiento en la actualidad. El autor sugiere cinco proposiciones que vinculan a gobernantes y gobernados en un contrato social, ya sea implícito o explícito, que elabora basándose en estudios de este período más temprano y que es posible encontrar también en los movimientos revolucionarios/gobiernos guerrilleros de los años setenta y ochenta. ; [EN] The article tries to explain the processes of how one government comes to succeed another in revolutionaly situations, emphasizing the guerrilla movements in Latin America from the Cuban revolution until the late 1960's and which are currently experiencing a revival. The author suggests five propositions linking governors and governed in a social contract, implicit or explicit, which he ellaborates based upon studies of the earlier period and that is also possible to find them in the revolutionary movements/guerrilla governments in the 1970's and 1980's.

Social revolutions as well as revolutionary movements have recently held great interest for both sociopolitical theorists and scholars of Latin American politics. Before we can proceed with any useful analysis, however, we must distinguish between these two related but not identical phenomena. Adapting Theda Skocpol's approach, we can define social revolutions as "rapid, basic transformations of a society's state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by" mass-based revolts from below, sometimes in cross-class coalitions (Skocpol 1979: 4; Wickham-Crowley 1991:152). In the absence of such basic sociopolitical transformations, I will not speak of (social) revolution or of a revolutionary outcome, only about revolutionary movements, exertions, projects, and so forth. Studies of the failures and successes of twentieth-century Latin American revolutions have now joined the ongoing theoretical debate as to whether such outcomes occur due to society- or movement-centered processes or instead due to state- or regime-centered events (Wickham-Crowley 1992).

Most of the extraordinary waves of terror which have swept many Latin American societies since 1970 have occurred in guerrilla-based insurgencies or even civil wars. Because of the massive body counts produced during these confrontations between revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries based in or linked with a government, human rights organizations have issued a long series of reports about terror—especially that which has been carried out by incumbent regimes and death squads—and which has been supplemented by the exposés of the guerrillas themselves. Amnesty International, the Human Rights group in the Organization of American States (OAS), and Americas Watch have been the major international actors documenting the wave of terror. Many independent national groups, such as El Salvador's "Socorro Juridico" and other human rights organizations linked with church bodies have undertaken that more perilous task at home.