Suchergebnisse

European Union (EU) conditionality in the Western Balkans has been a difficult process characterised by setbacks and slow reforms. In this essay, focusing specifically on Bosnia & Hercegovina, we argue that EU conditionality has limited potential to strengthen democracy because, in its current form, and in view of the existing state structure in Bosnia & Hercegovina, it provides only limited incentives for national elites to comply with the conditions set by the EU. In the context of state building, such as in Bosnia & Hercegovina, the effectiveness of EU conditionality is weakened by the increasing domestic political costs of compliance. This results in EU conditionality having a limited appeal for national elites in pursuit of reforms, and limited incentives for national elites to refrain from policies and actions that undermine statehood and endanger democratic reforms. As a result, EU conditionality runs the risk of losing its grip on elite commitment to reform and, more seriously, losing the support of citizens. Adapted from the source document.

Sandzak, the region in southwest Serbia with a large Bosniak population, has been largely neglected in academic debates about the Western Balkans. This article contends that the general status & quality of democracy in Serbia, a state with a recent history of involvement in ethnic conflicts, can be examined through the lens of the relationship between the ethnic majority, the Serbs, & ethnic minorities, such as the Bosniaks. The authors argue that the case of Sandzak shows that a substantial difference exists between the formal provisions for minority protection & inclusion at the state level, adopted in the course of Europeanization, and the de facto situation of the minorities living in Sandzk. The latter is characterized by considerable political & economic isolation, frustration with the status of Sandzak within Serbia, & even by a hostile relationship towards Belgrade. This article explores the situation of the Bosniak minority since the Milosevic era, the relationship between Belgrade & Sandzak, & the profound internal divisions within the Bosniak community. It focuses on the rapidly deteriorating relationship between Sandzak & Belgrade in 2010 in the course of the electoral process for the "National Council of Bosniaks," & on the emergence of a new powerful movement among the Bosniak population led by Mufti Muamer Zukorlic. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Les avancées en termes d'intégration européenne pour la Bosnie-Herzégovine et la Serbie ont fait beaucoup de chemin depuis la dissolution de la Yougoslavie. Paralysée et incapable d'agir face à la crise qui s'annonçait au début des années quatre-vingt-dix, la politique de l'UE face aux Balkans Occidentaux s'est partagée entre désunion, déclaration et action. Bien que des progrès aient été faits depuis les 18 dernières années, la politique européenne pour les Balkans Occidentaux divise toujours les états membres. Le désaccord général de l'UE provoque des débats dans cette région sur les impacts positifs et négatifs de la stratégie de démocratisation de l'UE pour les Balkans. En considérant le Non Irlandais au Traite de Lisbonne, il y a, là encore, un manque de consensus sur les questions de l'élargissement futur. Parallèlement aux développements de l'UE, les considérations envers l'adhésion à l'Union Européenne dans les sociétés balkaniques ont énormément varié, principale raison ayant été les crises politiques et économiques continuelles ces dernières années. Alors qu'il existe un consensus de base sur l'impact positif de l'intégration européenne, un euroscepticisme et une montée des critiques, renvoi au mécontentement sur les politiques européennes et les échecs du processus de développement. Cet article examinera dans un premier temps le changement de politique européenne par rapport au futur de l'élargissement. Dans un deuxième temps, nous effectuerons une analyse en profondeur sur les récentes crises en Bosnie-Herzégovine et en Serbie en utilisant les débats universitaires locaux sur l'européanisation et ses limites. Ces crises mutuelles seront analysées dans le content des développements récents autour de l'indépendance du Kosovo, des discussions sur l'Accord de Stabilisation et d'Association de même que les questions d'État et d'identité nationale dans les deux pays. Cet article tentera de dresser des solutions sur le potentiel de l'européanisation et ses limites ainsi que les possibles solutions pour sortir du dilemme de "la crise des attentes".

If free and fair elections repeatedly fail to respond to popular dissatisfaction, then a crisis of representative democracy will emerge. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia, such a crisis is already undermining the legitimacy of their young democratic systems. Despite positive evaluations from democracy indices and EU reports, citizens are increasingly discontent and give little support to the existing political options. Understanding the causes and characteristics of this crisis requires revising the instruments for measuring democracy. More attention needs to be focused on citizens' expectations for a freer and more prosperous future after their experiences of the crisis of state socialism. Measurements of institutional changes must also include people's attitudes towards institutions. In addition, main trends in the economy as experienced by the average citizen need to be considered: evidence of an elite-captured economy, rising inequality, and limited state capacity to redistribute resources are crucial factors in understanding discrepancies between formal democratic standards and the actual responsiveness of the system to the wishes of its citizens. From the analysis of these post-Yugoslav societies, this article draws conclusions for general democracy theory.